Appeal to Reason

Appeal to Reason


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Appeal to Reason was founded by Julius Wayland in 1897. The socialist journal was a mixture of articles and extracts from radical books by people such as Tom Paine, Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, John Ruskin, William Morris, Laurence Gronlund and Edward Bellamy.

Julius Wayland moved to Girard, Kansas, and in 1900 employed Fred Warren as his co-editor. Warren was a well-known figure on the left and managed to persuade some of America's leading progressives to contribute to the journal. This included Jack London, Mary 'Mother' Jones, Upton Sinclair, Kate Richards O'Hare, Scott Nearing, Joe Haaglund Hill, Ralph Chaplin, Stephen Crane, Helen Keller and Eugene Debs. By 1902 its circulation reached 150,000, making it the fourth highest of any weekly in the United States.

According to John Graham, the author of Yours for the Revolution (1990): "During political campaigns and crisis, copies of single issues reached 4.1 million - a world record... The Appeal succeeded at a time when millions of people spoke of the cooperative commonwealth with hope, expectation, and meaning."

In 1904 Fred Warren commissioned Upton Sinclair to write a novel about immigrant workers in the Chicago meat packing houses. Wayland provided Sinclair with a $500 advance and after seven weeks research he wrote the novel, The Jungle. Serialized in 1905, the book helped to increase circulation to 175,000. When published by Doubleday in 1906, the novel was an immediate success. Within the next few year it was published in seventeen languages and was a best-seller all over the world.

In 1905 William Haywood (general secretary of WFM) and Charles Moyer (president of WFM), were both been kidnapped in Colorado and taken to Idaho to stand trial for the murder of Frank R. Steunenberg, the former governor of Idaho. This upset Warren as a few years earlier the authorities had refused to arrest and charge William S. Taylor, the former governor of Kentucky, with the murder of the progressive politician, William Goebel. Taylor fled to Indiana where he became a wealthy insurance executive.

Fred Warren wrote an article about the William Goebel case in Appeal to Reason and advertised a reward of $1,000 for anyone willing to capture William S. Taylor and to take him back to Kentucky. As a result of this article Warren was himself arrested and charged with encouraging others to commit the crime of kidnap. After a two year delay was found guilty and sentenced to six months hard labour and a $1,500 fine. Soon afterwards the governor of Kentucky, Augustus Everett Willson, pardoned Taylor, Caleb Powers, and four other people for their part in the murder.

Julius Wayland and Fred Warren were once again in trouble in 1911 when they published a series of articles in the Appeal to Reason about corruption and homosexuality in Leavenworth Prison. Although senior figures running the prison were dismissed, Wayland and Warren were charged were charged with sending "indecent, filthy, obscene, lewd and lascivious printed materials" through the post.

As the popularity of the Appeal to Reason increased, so did the attacks on Julius Wayland and Fred Warren. The paper's offices were repeatedly broken into in an effort to find evidence of criminal activity. Research was carried out about Wayland's ancestors and reports in the Los Angeles Times claiming that they had been involved in cases of arson and murder. In 1912 the newspaper reported that Wayland was guilty of seducing an orphaned girl of fourteen and who had died during an abortion in Missouri.

Julius Wayland, depressed by the recent death of his wife and the continuing smear campaign against him, committed suicide on 10th November, 1912. He left a suicide note that said: "The struggle under the competitive system is not worth the effort." After Wayland's death his children won considerable damages after they sued the newspapers about these libelous stories.

At the time of his death, Appeal to Reason was selling 500,000 copies a week. The following year circulation reached 760,000. However, the new owner of the journal, Walter Wayland, fell out with Fred Warren. In August, 1913, Warren resigned and Louis Kopelin became the new managing editor. Wayland, unlike his father, was not a committed socialist and sold a third of the journal to a wealthy banker, Marcet Haldema-Julius.

On the outbreak of the First World War the Appeal to Reason opposed America's entry into the conflict. This was also true of most journals in the United States but after the USA declared war on the Central Powers in 1917, the journal came under government pressure to change its policy. This became more of a problem after the passing of the Espionage Act. Under this act it was an offence to publish material that undermined the war effort. Other radical papers such as The Masses decided to cease publication but in order to continue, Louis Kopelin decided to support the war.

After the war, the attorney general, A. Mitchell Palmer, became convinced that Communist agents were planning to overthrow the American government. Palmer recruited John Edgar Hoover as his special assistant and together they used the Espionage Act (1917) and the Sedition Act (1918) to launch a campaign against radicals and left-wing organizations.

On 7th November, 1919, the second anniversary of the Russian Revolution, over 10,000 suspected communists and anarchists were arrested in what became known as the Palmer Raids. Palmer and Hoover found no evidence of a proposed revolution but large number of these suspects were held without trial for a long time. The vast majority were eventually released but Emma Goldman, Alexander Berkman, Mollie Steimer, and 245 other people, were deported to Russia.

As a result of this Red Scare people became worried about subscribing to left-wing journals and sales of Appeal to Reason fell dramatically. Walter Wayland, who had no strong interest in politics or publishing, decided to cease publication in November, 1922.

In the midst of plenty you are starving. In the midst of natural wealth and mechanical means waiting idly for the had of Labor many of you are deprived of employment, while those of whom work is given must toil increasingly for a decreasing pittance. The more you produce the less you get. Why. Simply because the plenty of your own creation, those machines of your own make, and nature itself, the common inheritance of men, have been appropriated by a class - the capitalistic class. That class, which you have enriched, keeps you in poverty. That class, which you have raised to power, keeps you in subjection.

The machine became more perfect day by day; is lowered the wage of the worker, and in due course of time it became so perfect that it could be operated by unskilled labor of the woman, and she became a factor in industry. The owners of these machines were in competition with each other for trade in the market; it was war; cheaper and cheaper production was demanded, and cheaper labor was demanded.

In the march of time it became necessary to withdraw the children from school, and these machines came to be operated by the deft touch of the fingers of the child. In the first stage, machine was in competition with man; in the next, man in competition with both, and in the next, the child in competition with the whole combination.

Today there is more than three million women engaged in industrial pursuits in the United States, and more than two million children. It is not a question of white labor or black labor, or male labor or female or child labor, in this system; it is solely a question of cheap labor, without reference to the effect upon mankind.

Walking up the steps I came upon Roselie, the little Italian girl who sat next to me at the long work table. Roselie, whose fingers were the most deft in the shop and whose blue-black curls and velvety eyes I had almost envied as I often wondered why nature should have bestowed so much more than an equal share of beauty on the little Italian. Overtaking her I noticed she clung to the banister with one hand and held a crumpled mitten to the lips with the other. As we entered the cloak room she noticed my look of sympathy and weakly smiling said in broken English. "Oh, so cold! It hurta me here," and she laid her hand on her throat.

Seated at the long table the forelady brought a great box of the most exquisite red satin roses, and glancing sharply at Roselie said; "I hope you're not sick this morning; we must have these roses and you are the only one who can do them; have them ready by noon."

Soon a busy hum filled the room and in the hurry and excitement of my work I forgot Roselie until a shrill scream from the little Jewess across the table reached me and I turned in time to see Roselie fall forward among the flowers. As I lifted her up the hot blood spurted from her lips, staining my hands and spattering the flowers as it fell.

The blood-soaked roses were gathered up, the forelady grumbling because many were ruined, and soon the hum of industry went on as before. But I noticed that one of the great red roses had a splotch of red in its golden heart, a tiny drop of Rosie's heart's blood and the picture of the rose was burned in my brain.

The next morning I entered the grim, gray portals of Bellevue Hospital and asked for Roselie. "Roselie Randazzo," the clerk read from the great register. "Roselie Randazzo, seventeen; lives East Fourth street; taken from Marks' Artificial Flower Factory; hemorrhage; died 12.30 p.m." When I said that it was hard that she should die, so young and so beautiful, the clerk answered: "Yes, that's true, but this climate is hard on the Italians; and if the climate don't finish them the sweat shops or flower factories do," and then he turned to answer the questions of the woman who stood beside me and the life story of the little flower maker was finished.

With the introduction of private ownership in land came the period in the history of the human race when some man by reason of his superior strength or cunning, or some group of men, by reason of greater numbers, took possession of the land being used by another group and made slaves of the latter.

If men understood that the land is one of the great natural resources on which life depends, that it is the natural heritage of all men, and not a few, and it was so recognized through the long ages of savagery and barbarism, and that no title deed was recognized until civilization, so-called, made its appearance, I believe few would be willing to submit longer to the tyranny of the landlord and the master.

The Appeal is an agitation sheet - that and nothing more. I am an agitator. The propaganda of Socialism is my specialty. More than a decade ago I resolved to lend myself to this work to the best of my ability. The work of organization I left to others - to the rank and file - because it's not in my line. I have no desire to be other than a private in the party, counting just one. I have repeatedly refused to accept even a local or state office - and have used my influence to prevent anyone connected with the Appeal becoming identified in an official way with the state or national organization, in order to leave the Appeal unhampered in this pioneer agitation work.

When I look at the ferment of this insane social system; when I see its corruption, bribery, oppression, suicides, murders, robberies, prostitution, drunkenness and rapid concentration of wealth; when I see the masses apparently dead asleep to the meaning of their condition or to what is tending; when I see the rulers taking to themselves more power while the millions gradually let slip their influence in public affairs; when I see the courts more and more becoming only tools for the rich, while the poor are helpless before the law; when I see the voters losing what little comprehension they had of the purpose of the ballot, using it merely as a means to favor some scheming, cunning, self-seeking friend with a fat place; when I see the great corporations corralling the lands in great tracts, filling the waterways with their own ships and exploiting the riches of the mines for their kingly self-aggrandizement; I say, when I look over this alleged civilization and see these things, I feel a hopelessness that makes me heart-sick, and I wonder if it is worth the struggle, and if life is worth its care and if annihilation were not a joy.

Then, there is another view, I remember how I felt when I received my first impression of the social system as it is. I woke up as from a dream, and beheld the horrors about me stripped of their flimsy covering and nauseating in their nakedness. I had caught a glimpse of a higher, delightful harmoniousness; and it was so beautiful, so just, that I felt all would accept it as soon as they were told of it; that the present hateful thing could all be remodeled in a few years; that people would flock to the New Civilization as soon as they would read or hear of it. At that time there were no papers or magazines to tell the beautiful story; no books to explain it, except a few academically written volumes on out-of-the-way shelves in public libraries - books which nobody read.

I threw myself into the work of getting the message to the people with a wild delirium of enthusiasm; I read, and talked, and wrote, and printed and circulated the printed page; I stood on the street corners and handed the passers a leaflet or pamphlet; I mailed copies to thousands of names without considering the character of the recipients; I put years of life and energy into a few months. Gradually it began to dawn on me that the job was greater than I had felt in my first enthusiasm; I had been too optimistic; it would take years of persistent, systematic work; a siege must be laid to the inertia and ignorance of the masses.

One woman told me that her mother had gone into that mill and worked, and took four children with her. She says, "I have been in the mill since I was four years old. I am now thirty-four." She looked to me as if she was sixty.

She had a kindly nature if treated right, but her whole life and spirit was crushed out beneath the iron wheels of Comer's greed. When you think of the little ones that his mother brings forth you can see how society is cursed with an abnormal human being. She knew nothing but the whiz of a machinery in the factory. The wives, mothers and the children all go in to produce dividends, profit, profit, profit. The brutal governor is a pillar of the First Methodist church in Birmingham. On Sunday he gets up and sings, "O Lord will you have another star for my crown when I get there?"

I saw the little ones lying on the bed shaking with chills and I could hear them ask parent and masters, what they were here for; what crime they had committed that they were brought here and sold to the dividend auctioneer.

The high temperature of the mills combined with an abnormal humidity of the air produced by steaming as done by manufacturers makes bad material weave easier and tends to diminish the workers' power of resisting disease. The humid atmosphere promotes perspiration, but makes evaporation from the skin more difficult; and in this condition the operator, when he leaves the mill, has to face a much reduced temperature which produces serious chest infections. They are all narrow-chested, thin, disheartened looking.

I believe in the confiscation of the productive property of this nation by the working class. I do not believe in confiscating it by piecemeal. That would be foolish and illegal. The plan I favor is that the working class shall first capture the political powers of the state and nation and then the job can be done without the danger of getting cracked skulls and prison sentences. This is the plan followed by the master class. It has been proved a success by the master. It will prove a workable plan for the slave.

The mission of the Appeal to Reason is to persuade the men who work to use their political power that it may be possible easily, quickly and without opposition to exert their individual strength. I believe the working class should capture the political powers of the cities as rapidly as possible.

I am not opposed to all war, nor am I opposed to fighting under all circumstances, and any declaration to the contrary would disqualify me as a revolutionist. When I say I am opposed to war I mean ruling class war, for the ruling class is the only class that makes war. It matters not to me whether this war be offensive or defensive, or what other lying excuse may be invented for it, I am opposed to it, and I would be shot for treason before I would enter such a war.

Capitalists wars for capitalist conquest and capitalist plunder must be fought by the capitalists themselves so far as I am concerned, and upon that question there can be no compromise and no misunderstanding as to my position. I have no country to fight for; my country is the earth; I am a citizen of the world. I would not violate my principles for God, much less for a crazy kaiser, a savage czar, a degenerate king, or a gang of pot-bellied parasites.

I am opposed to every war but one; I am for the war with heart and soul, and that is the world-wide war of social revolution. In that war I am prepared to fight in any way the ruling class may make necessary, even to the barricades.

There is where I stand and where I believe the Socialist Party stands, or ought to stand, on the question of war.

I presume that the Socialists and laboring people of the Allied and neutral countries are mainly interested in knowing whether official Washington speaks the minds and hearts of the Socialists and laboring people of this country. In your countries, governments have been known to gauge wrongly the wishes of their peoples. Naturally you wonder how a peaceful and progressive nation such as the United States would voluntarily enter the world conflict and carry out the far-reaching program of military participation it has set out for itself. You have unquestionably been told by agents of the Central Powers that our government will not carry out its program because it has not the working people with it. This is told to you in order that you may be discouraged as to the possibilities of a victory for the cause of democracy.

Our people favor the war. Organized labor favors the war. The majority of the American Socialists favor the war. All the liberal and progressive organizations favor the war. It is true we have a few pacifists and objectors. But they are so few that they are negligible. From the very beginning organized labor came out frankly and fully in behalf of America and the Allies. In fact our trade unions through their accredited representatives took this stand a month before the formal declaration of war against Germany.


The History of Jewelry: Why do we wear jewelry?

Many of us wear jewelry every day without a second thought, but it’s an interesting question considering how this habit of jewelry wearing began. What was the meaning of jewelry to our earlier ancestors and how did the history of jewelry wearing begin?

It seems that the history of jewelry began around 75,000 years ago, which is the approximate date of the first known jewelry pieces that have been found. The earliest pieces of jewelry were animal hide, leather or reeds decorated with things like animal teeth, bones, feathers, shells, pebbles and berries. Amongst the prehistoric findings exist crude necklaces, bracelets and beads. What possessed our ancestors to make these objects?

Any answers can only be theories, but human nature today and our documented history may help to uncover the reason why the human race likes to adorn their bodies with jewelry.

Once “lower needs” like basic survival needs are satisfied, there are “higher needs” that begin to rear their heads

The famous Maslow pyramid of our Hierarchy of Needs shows that as humans, we have several layers of needs that have to be met in order for us to feel fulfilled with our lives. At the very basic level are our physiological needs, like hunger and thirst. Above this is our need to ensure our safety, which would have involved our ancestors building shelter and finding ways to stay safe from predators. Beyond these basic levels begin some of our higher needs, and precisely these may have contributed to the rise of jewelry wearing.

Wearing jewelry to appeal to potential mates

One of our higher needs according to Maslow’s pyramid is our “social needs”, which also include our romantic interactions to some extent (although romance also falls into a slightly lower level need to reproduce).

Many animals have natural inbuilt displays to attract the opposite sex. One of the most famous is the peacock with its spectacular fan of colorful feathers. It may be that jewelry was our ancestors’ equivalent to the peacock’s feather fan. It may have played a part in attracting more attention of mates in early humans. Certainly a human decorated with something would logically draw more attention than a fellow unadorned human. Wearing jewelry may well have started as an attempt at beautification and attempting to enhance attractiveness for the purposes of securing a mate.

It is interesting to note that many of the body locations where we wear jewelry even today are strongly sexual:

  • Necklaces draw attention towards the breasts
  • Earrings direct the eyes to the erogenous region of the ears
  • Belly rings attract the eye towards the belly button, another strongly reproduction-related part of the body connected to the location of the growing baby and its birth.

Wearing jewelry as a sign of social status

The higher human need for social and self-esteem fulfilment sometimes comes with a desire for positive social recognition and status.

In the early prehistoric times, jewelry might have been seen as a novel, creative innovation, marking the wearer as a type of pioneer. Perhaps someone who was clever enough to create jewelry with tools was also a dab hand at using tools for more practical things which would have raised their status in society.

As the history of jewelry progressed through time and more ornate materials began to be used, the significance of jewelry shifted from a display of “usefulness in society because of creative skills”, to become an expression of wealth and success, another quality that demonstrated social status. The richer the family, the more ornate the jewelry, with kings and emperors being the most opulently decorated.

Again, the need to exhibit wealth and social status can be linked to the more basic need of attracting a mate. Giving expensive gifts of jewelry was also associated with people of high status. Although it can purely be a symbol of your love for a person, it could also be a symbol of a provider’s capability to take care of their mate financially.

Social status is not only associated with wealth, success and skill, sometimes it’s also to do with “who you know”. Jewelry served its role here too as group members marked their affiliation with a certain group by wearing matching jewelry. Ancient groups and societies have done this in the past, and in modern times, groups like university fraternities may still wear jewelry for this purpose. The need to affiliate with a group in this way is partly for securing a certain social status and partly to secure our need to belong. Best friends or couples who each wear half of a heart on a pendant to demonstrate their relationship are demonstrating their joy at fulfilling their sense of belonging.

Wearing jewelry to satisfy the need of self-expression

As our ancestors became more self-aware and began thinking more about who they are and their identity as individuals, jewelry became a means of self-expression a means of showing the world more about who they were.

Professor Zilhao, professor of paleolithic archaeology at the University of Bristol notes that since prehistoric times, age, sex, family, clan affiliation, status and more may have been communicated through jewelry.

Today jewelry is still used as a means of self-expression. The designs you choose can be delicate or bold, colorful or subdued, intricate and expensive or economical and simple. Symbols on pieces of jewelry each carry their own meaning too, projecting a message about you to the world, whether you send out this messages intentionally or not. In a way, jewelry can be seen as a small reflection of a person’s personality.

Not only can wearing jewelry be an act of expressing who you are, giving jewelry can also serve as a way of telling people how you feel expressing your love and affection for a person with a gesture rather than with words, or even expressing your emotions through a piece of jewelry’s colors and symbols.

Wearing religious symbols in jewelry is another type of self-expression, this time of your devotion and beliefs. It may additionally serve the purpose of helping a person feel more connected to the divine and it acts as a reminder to them to stay on their religious path.

Wearing jewelry in order to gain from its energy and power

For thousands of years, human beings have attached significance and meaning to certain gemstones, metals and pieces of jewelry. The Ancient Egyptians made many amulets and talismans with all sorts of imbued magical and supernatural powers.

Some jewelry pieces were purposefully made with gemstones or beads that were said to be good luck, whilst others were believed to have powers of healing, or serving other more specific purposes from enhancing well-being to bringing love into your life, or even to protect you from serpent bites or thunderstorms.

Religious pendants can also be used by people for protective purposes. For example jewelry with the image of Saint Christopher, the saint of travellers are sometimes worn by people who go on expeditions to sheild them from harm’s way, and some people who work in the emergency services wear Saint Jude jewelry, the saint of lost causes and desperate situations, in the hope that it would improve the chances of survival of some of the people they are trying to save.

The concept of the birthstone also arose, as well as the theory of crystal healing and chakra color therapy, all of which can utilize the wearing of jewelry. Some of these ancient beliefs in the power of crystals, gemstones and metals still exists to this day.

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Every effort has been made to ensure that the information contained in this article is accurate. However the information contained in this article is for entertainment purposes only. The author does not accept responsibility for the use of this information, nor shall the author be liable for any loss, injury or damage allegedly arising from any information or suggestions in this article.


Congress issues a “Declaration on the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms”

On July 6, 1775, one day after restating their fidelity to King George III and wishing him 𠇊 long and prosperous reign” in the Olive Branch Petition, Congress sets 𠇏orth the causes and necessity of their taking up arms” against British authority in the American colonies. The declaration also proclaimed their preference “to die free men rather than live as slaves.”

As in the Olive Branch Petition, Congress never impugned the motives of the British king. Instead, they protested, “The large strides of late taken by the legislature of Great Britain toward establishing over these colonies their absolute rule…” Congress provided a history of colonial relations in which the king served as the sole governmental connection between the mother country and colonies, until, in their eyes, the victory against France in the Seven Years’ War caused Britain’s “new ministry finding all the foes of Britain subdued” to fall upon “the unfortunate idea of subduing her friends also.” According to the declaration, the king’s role remained constant, but “parliament then for the first time assumed a power of unbounded legislation over the colonies of America,” which resulted in the bloodletting at Lexington and Concord in April 1775.

At this point, Congress assumed that if the king could merely be made to understand what Parliament and his ministers had done, he would rectify the situation and return the colonists to their rightful place as fully equal members of the British empire. When the king sided with Parliament, however, Congress moved beyond a Declaration of Arms to a Declaration of Independence.


Examples

  • “Our family has a long tradition of male family members becoming lawyers my great-grandfather, grandfather, and father were all lawyers. Thus, It’s the right and only option for me to become a lawyer too.”
  • “People have believed in God for thousands of years, so it seems obvious to me that God exists.”
  • “This medicine has been used by people since ancient history, therefore it must be an effective way to treat diseases.”
  • Country Time Lemonade slogan: “Just like grandma used to make.”

Rhetorical Appeals

Rhetorical appeals refer to ethos, pathos, and logos. These are classical Greek terms, dating back to Aristotle, who is traditionally seen as the father of rhetoric. To be rhetorically effective (and thus persuasive), an author must engage the audience in a variety of compelling ways, which involves carefully choosing how to craft his or her argument so that the outcome, audience agreement with the argument or point, is achieved. Aristotle defined these modes of engagement and gave them the terms that we still use today: logos, pathos, and ethos.

Logos: Appeal to Logic

Logic. Reason. Rationality. Logos is brainy and intellectual, cool, calm, collected, objective.

When an author relies on logos, it means that he or she is using logic, careful structure, and objective evidence to appeal to the audience. An author can appeal to an audience&rsquos intellect by using information that can be fact checked (using multiple sources) and thorough explanations to support key points. Additionally, providing a solid and non-biased explanation of one&rsquos argument is a great way for an author to invoke logos.

For example, if I were trying to convince my students to complete their homework, I might explain that I understand everyone is busy and they have other classes (non-biased), but the homework will help them get a better grade on their test (explanation). I could add to this explanation by providing statistics showing the number of students who failed and didn&rsquot complete their homework versus the number of students who passed and did complete their homework (factual evidence).

Logical appeals rest on rational modes of thinking, such as

  • Comparison &ndash a comparison between one thing (with regard to your topic) and another, similar thing to help support your claim. It is important that the comparison is fair and valid &ndash the things being compared must share significant traits of similarity.
  • Cause/effect thinking &ndash you argue that X has caused Y, or that X is likely to cause Y to help support your claim. Be careful with the latter &ndash it can be difficult to predict that something &ldquowill&rdquo happen in the future.
  • Deductive reasoning &ndash starting with a broad, general claim/example and using it to support a more specific point or claim
  • Inductive reasoning &ndash using several specific examples or cases to make a broad generalization
  • Exemplification &ndash use of many examples or a variety of evidence to support a single point
  • Elaboration &ndash moving beyond just including a fact, but explaining the significance or relevance of that fact
  • Coherent thought &ndash maintaining a well organized line of reasoning not repeating ideas or jumping around

Pathos: Appeal to Emotions

When an author relies on pathos, it means that he or she is trying to tap into the audience&rsquos emotions to get them to agree with the author&rsquos claim. An author using pathetic appeals wants the audience to feel something: anger, pride, joy, rage, or happiness. For example, many of us have seen the ASPCA commercials that use photographs of injured puppies, or sad-looking kittens, and slow, depressing music to emotionally persuade their audience to donate money.

Pathos-based rhetorical strategies are any strategies that get the audience to &ldquoopen up&rdquo to the topic, the argument, or to the author. Emotions can make us vulnerable, and an author can use this vulnerability to get the audience to believe that his or her argument is a compelling one.

Pathetic appeals might include

  • Expressive descriptions of people, places, or events that help the reader to feel or experience those events
  • Vivid imagery of people, places or events that help the reader to feel like he or she is seeing those events
  • Sharing personal stories that make the reader feel a connection to, or empathy for, the person being described
  • Using emotion-ladenvocabulary as a way to put the reader into that specific emotional mindset (what is the author trying to make the audience feel? and how is he or she doing that?)
  • Using any information that will evoke an emotional responsefrom the audience. This could involve making the audience feel empathy or disgust for the person/group/event being discussed, or perhaps connection to or rejection of the person/group/event being discussed.

When reading a text, try to locate when the author is trying to convince the reader using emotions because, if used to excess, pathetic appeals can indicate a lack of substance or emotional manipulation of the audience. See the links below about fallacious pathos for more information.

Ethos: Appeal to Values/Trust

Ethical appeals have two facets: audience values and authorial credibility/character.

On the one hand, when an author makes an ethical appeal, he or she is attempting to tap into the values or ideologies that the audience holds, for example, patriotism, tradition, justice, equality, dignity for all humankind, self preservation, or other specific social, religious or philosophical values (Christian values, socialism, capitalism, feminism, etc.). These values can sometimes feel very close to emotions, but they are felt on a social level rather than only on a personal level. When an author evokes the values that the audience cares about as a way to justify or support his or her argument, we classify that as ethos. The audience will feel that the author is making an argument that is &ldquoright&rdquo (in the sense of moral &ldquoright&rdquo-ness, i.e., &ldquoMy argument rests upon that values that matter to you. Therefore, you should accept my argument&rdquo). This first part of the definition of ethos, then, is focused on the audience&rsquos values.

On the other hand, this sense of referencing what is &ldquoright&rdquo in an ethical appeal connects to the other sense of ethos: the author. Ethos that is centered on the author revolves around two concepts: the credibility of the author and his or her character.

Credibility of the speaker/author is determined by his or her knowledge and expertise in the subject at hand. For example, if you are learning about Einstein&rsquos Theory of Relativity, would you rather learn from a professor of physics or a cousin who took two science classes in high school thirty years ago? It is fair to say that, in general, the professor of physics would have more credibility to discuss the topic of physics. To establish his or her credibility, a n author may draw attention to who he or she is or what kinds of experience he or she has with the topic being discussed as an ethical appeal (i.e., &ldquoBecause I have experience with this topic &ndash and I know my stuff! &ndash you should trust what I am saying about this topic&rdquo). Some authors do not have to establish their credibility because the audience already knows who they are and that they are credible.

Character is another aspect of ethos, and it is different from credibility because it involves personal history and even personality traits. A person can be credible but lack character or vice versa. For example, in politics, sometimes the most experienced candidates &ndash those who might be the most credible candidates &ndash fail to win elections because voters do not accept their character. Politicians take pains to shape their character as leaders who have the interests of the voters at heart. The candidate who successfully proves to the voters (the audience) that he or she has the type of character that they can trust is more likely to win.

Thus, ethos comes down to trust. How can the author get the audience to trust him or her so that they will accept his or her argument? How can the the author make him or herself appear as a credible speaker who embodies the character traits that the audience values?

In building ethical appeals, we see authors

  • Referring either directly or indirectly to the values that matter to the intended audience (so that the audience will trust the speaker)
  • Using language, phrasing, imagery, or other writing styles common to people who hold those values, thereby &ldquotalking the talk&rdquo of people with those values (again, so that the audience is inclined to trust the speaker)
  • Referring to their experience and/or authority with the topic (and therefore demonstrating their credibility)
  • Referring to their own character, or making an effort to build their character in the text

When reading, you should always think about the author&rsquos credibility regarding the subject as well as his or her character. Here is an example of a rhetorical move that connects with ethos: when reading an article about abortion, the author mentions that she has had an abortion. That is an example of an ethical move because the author is creating credibility via anecdotal evidence and first person narrative. In a rhetorical analysis project, it would be up to you, the analyzer, to point out this move and associate it with a rhetorical strategy.

When writers misuse Logos, Pathos, or Ethos, arguments can be weakened

Above, we defined and described what logos, pathos, and ethos are and why authors may use those strategies. Sometimes, using a combination of logical, pathetic, and ethical appeals leads to a sound, balanced, and persuasive argument. It is important to understand, though, that using rhetorical appeals does not always lead to a sound, balanced argument.

In fact, any of the appeals could be misused or overused. When that happens, arguments can be weakened.

To see what a misuse of logical appeals might consist of, see the next chapter, Logical Fallacies.


Hellraisers Journal: From Appeal to Reason: Book Review and History of “The Unbroken Tradition” by Nora Connolly

———-

Hellraisers Journal – Wednesday April 30, 1919
From Appeal Book Department: “The Unbroken Tradition” by Nora Connolly

In the April 26th edition of the Appeal to Reason, we find Miss Nora Connolly’s book, “The Irish Rebellion of 1916 or The Unbroken Tradition,” on sale for $1.25 (see below). In the April 12th edition of the Appeal we find a review of Miss Connolly’s book along with a short history of the Easter Uprising of 1916.

From the Appeal to Reason of April 12, 1919:

Daughter of Rebel Leader Tells Story of Irish Revolt


—–

Thus goes one of the fighting songs of the Irish patriots who rose in armes against British authority in Ireland, the week of Easter, 1916. The physical failure of the brief, spirited upflare of independence is now a part of Ireland’s tragic history yet today no one who sees clearly can doubt that the cause of a free Ireland is stronger than ever.

Nora Connolly-a young girl possessed of the fortitude and vision that is the unending marvel of character displayed by all true revolutionists-was an intimate participant in the rebellion of 1916. Her father, James Connolly, was the leader of the rebel forces and was executed for his “treason” to what most Irishmen have always regarded as an alien and hostile government. Nora Connolly escaped after the rebellion and made her way, through caution and subterfuge, to America. Here she set down the story of this ill-fated uprising with a direct candid simplicity that reveals events in their bold, epic outlines. This story, whose unaffected realism is so intense that the reader vividly visualizes and emotionally seems to move in the very midst of the scenes described is called “The Unbroken Tradition,” because, says Nora Connolly:

In Ireland we have the unbroken tradition of struggle for our freedom. Every generation has seen blood spilt, and sacrifice cheerfully made that the tradition might live. Our songs call us to battle or mourn the lost struggle our stories are of glorious victory and glorious defeat. And it is through them the tradition has been handed down till an Irish man or woman has no greater dream of gory than of dying “A soldier’s death so Ireland’s free.”

THE SIGNIFICANT feature of the Irish struggle (even during the periods of apparent peace) is that it has not been parliamentary it has been frankly militant, relying finally upon force. The Irish people have been thoroughly imbued with the idea that the liberty of a people must be the result of its own efforts-more, that it depends upon preparation and willingness to engage in actual fighting. The Irish are great talkers, but they are even greater fighters. Their history proves this. Six times during the English occupation of their country the Irish people have broken out in open, armed revolt and the intervals between these outbreaks have been devoted to organization and training for the next uprising, which is considered as inevitable.

During the memorable Dublin strike of the Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union in 1912-13, the Irish Citizen Army (composed entirely of union workingmen) regularly practiced military drill in an open field and marched in military formation through the streets of Dublin. Liberty hall, the headquarters of the union, was the scene of daily demonstrations. This army had a commissary department in Liberty Hall, where the strikers and their families were fed and clothed. The great strike was won by the workers, but they did not cease their struggle for a free Ireland.

Following the organization of the Irish Citizen Army came the organization of the Irish Volunteers, which included all Irish patriots who were ready to pledge themselves in the larger cause of national independence. These two voluntary military organizations drilled continuously, the workers going through their manouvers in the evening after the day’s hard toil. Sham battles were held between the two rebel bodies. Lectures were given by the rebel leaders on the art of street fighting. Everything was in dead earnest few details were omitted.

One of the important tasks of the rebels was to secure guns and ammunition, which were smuggled into the country. In July, 1914, just before the world war descended upon Europe one of these gun-running expeditions had a bloody finale. A number of rebels assembled at the landing place, among them many rebel boy scouts, the arms were brought ashore, and, after each rebel had been given a weapon, were loaded into automobiles and carried away. While the guns were being unloaded, a line of rebels armed with clubs stood across the pier to resist police interference with their lives if need be. The gun-runners were attacked by a small body of soldiers and police, but the latter were heroically beaten off. These defenders of the King then fired into the crowd, shooting down several women and children. But the rifles-three thousand of them-were saved.

The victims of this tragedy were given a spectacular funeral. The union and rebel organizations marched behind the hearses. Added to these were many of the unorganized citizens of Dublin, sympathetic with the rebel cause but not actively belonging to it. The union band of the Irish Transport Workers played the funeral march. Walking behind one of the hearses, the chief mourner, was a man in the uniform of an English soldier. His old mother had been killed by other men wearing the uniforms of English soldiers. This funeral was one of the greatest demonstrations ever held in the city of Dublin. So bitter was the feeling against the regiment that had shot among the populace that these troops were quietly withdrawn from the city.

A WEEK after the shooting-while the memory of it still burned in the hearts of Irish people-the world war came. Immediately England called upon Irishmen to enlist in the struggle to avenge Belgium. How empty this appeal seemed to the Irish patriots may be imagined. Their minds were occupied with the outrages they had themselves to avenge. The Prime Minister, Mr. Asquith, and the Irish parliamentary leader, John Redmond, came to Dublin with the purpose of holding a monster recruiting meeting. The Dublin rebels held a counter-demonstration. A gigantic parade went through the streets of the city shouting defiance and singing anti-recruiting airs in the midst of it was an automobile, surrounded by members of the Irish Citizen Army with rifles in their hands, from which speakers poured forth demonstration after demonstration against Great Britain and recruiting. Within a block of the hall where the British Prime Minister was holding forth, James Connolly called upon the crowd to declare its allegiance to an Irish Republic and the mighty shout that went up in response drowned out the voice of the Prime minister in the nearby hall. Nora Connolly says that only six Irishmen joined the British army the next day. England’s blind, oppressive policy with the Irish sharply alienated these brave people when England entered upon the greatest war of her history and western civilization was threatened. Those who viewed the war calmly and logically as a vast world struggle in which one must be on the side of autocracy or democracy failed to understand that the Irish people, with a heritage of hatred against the British government, could not take any such detached and rationalistic attitude. Their whole emotional and national perspective was focused hostilely on their historic oppressors. This situation, created by British rule, culminated in the open rebellion of Easter week.

THE REBELLION, which had been planned to take place simultaneously throughout Ireland, was at the final moment confined to Dublin and one or two outlying districts. Through an eleventh-hour slip in the plans for a general uprising, the rebellion was doomed to failure. Nevertheless the fighting raged in Dublin for nearly a week. Connolly and his comrades led the rebels until the last hope died and surrender was made imperative. The headquarters of the rebel forces was the general postoffice, though they had outposts over the city. The rebels were handicapped by having only rifles, while the government troops had machine guns. The streets were barricaded by the soldiers and the roads leading to Dublin were patrolled by the King’s men.

Yet Nora Connolly tells how she and her sister managed to elude these patrols, and how they walked over fifty miles to Dublin, only to arrive after the rebel cause had been lost and their wounded father made a prisoner. These daughters of the rebel leader had gone to another part of Ireland, near Belfast, to assist in the rebellion there. Owing to a demobilization order sent out by Eoin MacNeill, civilian President of the Irish Volunteers, on the day before the uprising was to occur, only the Dublin rebels rose. It was then that Nora Connolly and her sister undertook their long, weary hike back to Dublin.

Eoin MacNeill, whose demobilization order “broke the back of the rebellion” according to the statement of the British authorities, was a Professor of Irish History supposed to be a safe conservative by the British government. He was a prudent academic revolutionist he believed in a free Ireland, but advised “watchful waiting.” He was made President of the Irish Volunteers chiefly because his respectable character would serve as a blind to the true purpose of the organization. Through the organ of the Irish Volunteers MacNeill advocated delay and caution, emphasizing his belief that the most propitious time for action would be after the end of the world war, when the organization would be solid and strong. The Volunteers interpreted these articles as merely dust thrown in the eyes of the British government and waited expectantly for “the day.”

Just before the appointed time for the rebellion, Sir Roger Casement, who had gone to Germany for assistance and there had heard that the uprising was to take place immediately, and who was unaware how far the plans and preparations of the rebels had gone, came to Ireland in a German submarine with the object of warning the rebels to post their attempt. Landing on the Irish coast, he quickly dispatched a message to MacNeill, telling him that the rebellion would fail if attempted then and advising that the men be called off. MacNeill, naturally fearful, had his worst misgivings excited by Casement’s communication and promptly sent out the demobilization order. On Sunday-the before “the day”-he also inserted a notice in the organ of the Irish Volunteers, which circulated throughout Ireland, to the effect that:

All Volunteer manouvers for Sunday are canceled. Volunteers everywhere will obey this order.

MacNeill acted in good faith, but he was lacking in courage and determination.

When James Connolly and the rebel leaders in Dublin learned of MacNeill’s action , they dispatched Nora Connolly and her sister with a message to the rebel leaders out Dublin. But it was too late. The back of the rebellion had been broken. After fighting to the last ditch, their leaders were executed and another bloody page was added to the history of Ireland’s struggle for freedom. James Connolly, the moving spirit of the rebellion, was wounded in the Dublin fighting. He was placed on a chair and shot before he had recovered from his wounds. Before he was executed he slipped a copy of his dying statement to his daughter Nora, who gives it to the world in her story of “The Unbroken Tradition.” How Nora Connolly came to America and was thus enabled to publish the uncensored record of the Easter uprising, she tells in her book.

[Emphasis and photograph of Miss Nora Connolly added.]

From the Appeal to Reason of April 26, 1919:

Great Book Sale Closes in One Week

[…..]

[…..]

SOURCE & IMAGES

The Irish Rebellion of 1916
-Or The Unbroken Tradition

-by Nora Connolly
Boni and Liveright New York, 1919
https://books.google.com/books?id=G2umZxhfRhMC
https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/011718255
https://archive.org/details/irishrebellionof00obri/page/n5

Nora Connolly O’Brien 1965.

The Unbroken Tradition: The Irish Rebellion of 1916
-by Nora Connolly

James Connolly ICA Last Statement Reading

The Wolfe Tones Poem and Song for James Connolly


An Appeal to Heaven Flag

During the early days of the War for Independence—while the gun smoke still covered the fields at Lexington and Concord, and the cannons still echoed at Bunker Hill—America faced innumerable difficulties and a host of hard decisions. Unsurprisingly, the choice of a national flag remained unanswered for many months due to more pressing issues such as arranging a defense and forming the government.

However, a flag was still needed by the military in order to differentiate the newly forged American forces from those of the oncoming British. Several temporary flags were swiftly employed in order to satisfy the want. One of the most famous and widespread standards rushed up flagpoles on both land and sea was the “Pinetree Flag,” or sometimes called “An Appeal to Heaven” flag.

As the name suggests, this flag was characterized by having both a tree (most commonly thought to be a pine or a cypress) and the motto reading “an appeal to Heaven.” Typically, these were displayed on a white field, and often were used by troops, especially in New England, as the liberty tree was a prominent northern symbol for the independence movement.[i]

In fact, prior to the Declaration of Independence but after the opening of hostilities, the Pinetree Flag was one of the most popular flags for American troops. Indeed, “there are recorded in the history of those days many instances of the use of the pine-tree flag between October, 1775, and July, 1776.”[ii]

Some of America’s earliest battles and victories were fought under a banner declaring “an appeal to Heaven.” Some historians document that General Israel Putnam’s troops at Bunker Hill used a flag with the motto on it, and during the Battle of Boston the floating batteries (floating barges armed with artillery) proudly flew the famous white Pinetree Flag.[iii] In January of 1776, Commodore Samuel Tucker flew the flag while successfully capturing a British troop transport which was attempting to relieve the besieged British forces in Boston.[iv]

The Pinetree Flag was commonly used by the Colonial Navy during this period of the War. When George Washington commissioned the first-ever officially sanctioned military ships for America in 1775, Colonel Joseph Reed wrote the captains asking them to:

Please to fix upon some particular color for a flag, and a signal by which our vessels may know one another. What do you think of a flag with a white ground, a tree in the middle, the motto ‘Appeal to Heaven’? This is the flag of our floating batteries.[v]

In the following months news spread even to England that the Americans were employing this flag on their naval vessels. A report of a captured ship revealed that, “the flag taken from a provincial [American] privateer is now deposited in the admiralty the field is a white bunting, with a spreading green tree the motto, ‘Appeal to Heaven.’”[vi]

As the skirmishes unfolded into all out warfare between the colonists and England, the Pinetree Flag with its prayer to God became synonymous with the American struggle for liberty. An early map of Boston reflected this by showing a side image of a British redcoat trying to rip this flag out of the hands of a colonist (see image on right).[vii] The main motto, “An Appeal to Heaven,” inspired other similar flags with mottos such as “An Appeal to God,” which also often appeared on early American flags.

For many modern Americans it might be surprising to learn that one of the first national mottos and flags was “an appeal to Heaven.” Where did this phrase originate, and why did the Americans identify themselves with it?

To understand the meaning behind the Pinetree Flag we must go back to John Locke’s influential Second Treatise of Government (1690). In this book, the famed philosopher explains that when a government becomes so oppressive and tyrannical that there no longer remains any legal remedy for citizens, they can appeal to Heaven and then resist that tyrannical government through a revolution. Locke turned to the Bible to explain his argument:

To avoid this state of war (wherein there is no appeal but to Heaven, and wherein every the least difference is apt to end, where there is no authority to decide between the contenders) is one great reason of men’s putting themselves into society and quitting [leaving] the state of nature, for where there is an authority—a power on earth—from which relief can be had by appeal, there the continuance of the state of war is excluded and the controversy is decided by that power. Had there been any such court—any superior jurisdiction on earth—to determine the right between Jephthah and the Ammonites, they had never come to a state of war, but we see he was forced to appeal to Heaven. The Lord the Judge (says he) he judge this day between the children of Israel and the children of Ammon, Judg. xi. 27.[viii]

Locke affirms that when societies are formed and systems and methods of mediation can be instituted, armed conflict to settle disputes is a last resort. When there no longer remains any higher earthly authority to which two contending parties (such as sovereign nations) can appeal, the only option remaining is to declare war in assertion of certain rights. This is what Locke calls an appeal to Heaven because, as in the case of Jephthah and the Ammonites, it is God in Heaven Who ultimately decides who the victors will be.

Locke goes on to explain that when the people of a country “have no appeal on earth, then they have a liberty to appeal to Heaven whenever they judge the cause of sufficient moment [importance].”[ix] However, Locke cautions that appeals to Heaven through open war must be seriously and somberly considered beforehand since God is perfectly just and will punish those who take up arms in an unjust cause. The English statesman writes that:

he that appeals to Heaven must be sure he has right on his side and a right to that is worth the trouble and cost of the appeal as he will answer at a tribunal that cannot be deceived [God’s throne] and will be sure to retribute to everyone according to the mischiefs he hath created to his fellow subjects that is, any part of mankind.[x]

The fact that Locke writes extensively concerning the right to a just revolution as an appeal to Heaven becomes massively important to the American colonists as England begins to strip away their rights. The influence of his Second Treatise of Government (which contains his explanation of an appeal to Heaven) on early America is well documented. During the 1760s and 1770s, the Founding Fathers quoted Locke more than any other political author, amounting to a total of 11% and 7% respectively of all total citations during those formative decades.[xi] Indeed, signer of the Declaration of Independence Richard Henry Lee once quipped that the Declaration had been largely“copied from Locke’s Treatise on Government.”[xii]

Therefore, when the time came to separate from Great Britain and the regime of King George III, the leaders and citizens of America well understood what they were called upon to do. By entering into war with their mother country, which was one of the leading global powers at the time, the colonists understood that only by appealing to Heaven could they hope to succeed.

For example, Patrick Henry closes his infamous “give me liberty” speech by declaring that:

If we wish to be free—if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending—if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon—we must fight!—I repeat it, sir, we must fight!! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts, is all that is left us![xiii]

Furthermore, Jonathan Trumbull, who as governor of Connecticut was the only royal governor to retain his position after the Declaration, explained that the Revolution began only after repeated entreaties to the King and Parliament were rebuffed and ignored. In writing to a foreign leader, Trumbull clarified that:

On the 19 th day of April, 1775, the scene of blood was opened by the British troops, by the unprovoked slaughter of the Provincial troops at Lexington and Concord. The adjacent Colonies took up arms in their own defense and the Congress again met, again petitioned the Throne [the English king] for peace and settlement and again their petitions were contemptuously disregarded. When every glimpse of hope failed not only of justice but of safety, we were compelled, by the last necessity, to appeal to Heaven and rest the defense of our liberties and privileges upon the favor and protection of Divine Providence and the resistance we could make by opposing force to force.[xiv]

John Locke’s explanation of the right to just revolution permeated American political discourse and influenced the direction the young country took when finally being forced to appeal to Heaven in order to reclaim their unalienable rights. The church pulpits likewise thundered with further Biblical exegesis on the importance of appealing to God for an ultimate redress of grievances, and pastors for decades after the War continued to teach on the subject. For example, an 1808 sermon explained:

War has been called an appeal to Heaven. And when we can, with full confidence, make the appeal, like David, and ask to be prospered according to our righteousness, and the cleanness of our hands, what strength and animation it gives us! When the illustrious Washington, at an early stage of our revolutionary contest, committed the cause in that solemn manner. “May that God whom you have invoked, judge between us and you,” how our hearts glowed that we had such a cause to commit![xv]

Thus, when the early militiamen and naval officers flew the Pinetree Flag emblazoned with its motto “An Appeal for Heaven,” it was not some random act with little significance or meaning. Instead, they sought to march into battle with a recognition of God’s Providence and their reliance on the King of Kings to right the wrongs which they had suffered. The Pinetree Flag represents a vital part of America’s history and an important step on the journey to reaching a national flag during the early days of the War for Independence.

Furthermore, the Pinetree Flag was far from being the only national symbol recognizing America’s reliance on the protection and Providence of God. During the War for Independence other mottos and rallying cries included similar sentiments. For example, the flag pictured on the right bore the phrase “Resistance to Tyrants is Obedience to God,” which came from an earlier 1750 sermon by the influential Rev. Jonathan Mayhew. [xvi] In 1776 Benjamin Franklin even suggested that this phrase be part of the nation’s Great Seal.[xvii] The Americans’ thinking and philosophy was so grounded on a Biblical perspective that even a British parliamentary report in 1774 acknowledged that, “If you ask an American, ‘Who is his master?’ He will tell you he has none—nor any governor but Jesus Christ.” [xviii]

This God-centered focus continued throughout our history after the Revolutionary War. For example, in the War of 1812 against Britain, during the Defense of Fort McHenry, Francis Scott Key penned what would become our National Anthem, encapsulating this perspective by writing that:

Blest with vict’ry and peace may the heav’n rescued land

Praise the power that hath made and preserv’d us a nation!

Then conquer we must, when our cause it is just,

And this be our motto: “In God is our trust.”[xix]

In the Civil War, Union Forces sang this song when marching into battle. In fact, Abraham Lincoln was inspired to put “In God we Trust” on coins, which was one of his last official acts before his untimely death.[xx] And after World War II, President Eisenhower led Congress in making “In God We Trust” the official National Motto,[xxi] also adding “under God” to the pledge in 1954.[xxii]

Throughout the centuries America has continually and repeatedly acknowledged the need to look to God and appeal to Heaven. This was certainly evident in the earliest days of the War for Independence with the Pinetree Flag and its powerful inscription: “An Appeal to Heaven.”

[i] “Flag, The,” Cyclopaedia of Political Science, Political Economy, and of the Political History of the United States, ed. John Lalor (Chicago: Melbert B. Cary & Company, 1883), 2.232, here.

[ii] Report of the Proceedings of the Society of the Army of the Tennessee at the Thirtieth Meeting, Held at Toledo, Ohio, October 26-17, 1898 (Cincinnati: F. W. Freeman, 1899), 80, here.

[iii] Schuyler Hamilton, Our National Flag The Stars and Stripes Its History in a Century (New York: George R. Lockwood, 1877), 16-17, here

[iv] Report of the Proceedings of the Society of the Army of the Tennessee at the Thirtieth Meeting, Held at Toledo, Ohio, October 26-17, 1898 (Cincinnati: F. W. Freeman, 1899), 80, here.

[v] Richard Frothingham, History of the Siege of Boston, and of the Battles of Lexington, Concord, and Buner Hill (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1849), 261, here.

[vi] Richard Frothingham, History of the Siege of Boston, and of the Battles of Lexington, Concord, and Buner Hill (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1849), 262, here.

[vii] Richard Frothingham, History of the Siege of Boston, and of the Battles of Lexington, Concord, and Buner Hill (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1849), 262, here.

[viii] John Locke, Two Treatises of Government (London: A. Millar, et al., 1794), 211, here.

[ix] John Locke, Two Treatises of Government (London: A. Millar, et al., 1794), 346-347, here

[x] John Locke, Two Treatises of Government (London: A. Millar, et al., 1794), 354-355, here.

[xi] Donald Lutz, The Origins of American Constitutionalism (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, 1988), 143.

[xii] Thomas Jefferson, The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Andrew A. Lipscomb, editor (Washington, D.C.: The Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association, 1904), Vol. XV, p. 462, to James Madison on August 30, 1823.

[xiii] William Wirt, The Life of Patrick Henry (New York: McElrath & Bangs, 1831), 140, here

[xiv] Jonathan Trumbull quoted in James Longacre, The National Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Americans (Philadelphia: James B. Longacre, 1839), 4.5, here.

[xv] The Question of War with Great Britain, Examined upon Moral and Christian Principles (Boston: Snelling and Simons, 1808), 13, here.

[xvi] Jonathan Mayhew, A Discourse Concerning Unlimited Submission and Non-Resistance to the Higher Powers (Boston: D. Fowle, 1750) [Evans # 6549] see also, John Adams, Letters of John Adams, Addressed to His Wife, ed. Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1841), 1:152, to Abigail Adams on August 14, 1776.

[xvii] “Benjamin Franklin’s Great Seal Design,” The Great Seal (accessed September 2, 2020), here.

[xviii] Hezekiah Niles, Principles and Acts of the Revolution in America (Baltimore: William Ogden Niles, 1822), 198.

[xix] Francis Scott Key, “The Defence of Fort M’Henry,” The Analectic Magazine (Philadelphia: Moses Thomas, 1814) 4.433-444.

[xx] B. F. Morris, Memorial Record of the Nation’s Tribute to Abraham Lincoln (Washington, DC: W. H. & O. H. Morrison, 1866), 216, here.

[xxi] D. Jason Berggan, “In God We Trust,” The First Amendment Encyclopedia (2017), here.

[xxii] Rachel Siegel, “The Gripping Sermon that Got ‘Under God’ Added to the Pledge of Allegiance on Flag Day,” The Washington Post (June 14, 2018), here.


Appeal to Reason - History

Click here for the text of this historical document.

David Walker's Appeal , arguably the most radical of all anti-slavery documents, caused a great stir when it was published in September of 1829 with its call for slaves to revolt against their masters. David Walker, a free black originally from the South wrote, ". . .they want us for their slaves, and think nothing of murdering us. . . therefore, if there is an attempt made by us, kill or be killed. . . and believe this, that it is no more harm for you to kill a man who is trying to kill you, than it is for you to take a drink of water when thirsty." Even the outspoken William Lloyd Garrison objected to Walker's approach in an editorial about the Appeal .

The goal of the Appeal was to instill pride in its black readers and give hope that change would someday come. It spoke out against colonization, a popular movement that sought to move free blacks to a colony in Africa. America, Walker believed, belonged to all who helped build it. He went even further, stating, "America is more our country than it is the whites -- we have enriched it with our blood and tears ." He then asked, "will they drive us from our property and homes, which we have earned with our blood?"

Copies of the Appeal were discovered in Savannah, Georgia, within weeks of its publication. Within several months copies were found from Virginia to Louisiana. Walker revised his Appeal . He died in August of 1830, shortly after publishing the third edition.


Legitimate appeals to authority involve testimony from individuals who are truly experts in their fields and are giving advice that is within the realm of their expertise, such as a real estate lawyer giving advice about real estate law, or a physician giving a patient medical advice.

Alternative Names

Category

Fallacy of Relevance > Appeals to Authority

Explanation

Not every reliance upon the testimony of authority figures is fallacious. We often rely upon such testimony, and we can do so for very good reason. Their talent, training and experience put them in a position to evaluate and report on evidence not readily available to everyone else. But we must keep in mind that for such an appeal to be justified, certain standards must be met:

  • 1. The authority is an expert in the area of knowledge under consideration.
  • 2. The statement of the authority concerns his or her area of mastery.
  • 3. There is agreement among experts in the area of knowledge under consideration.

Medical Example

Let’s take a look at this example:

  • 4. My doctor has said that medicine X will help my medical condition. Therefore, it will help me with my medical condition.

Is this a legitimate appeal to authority, or a fallacious appeal to authority? First, the doctor has to be a medical doctor — a doctor of philosophy simply won’t do. Second, the doctor has to be treating you for a condition in which she has training — it isn’t enough if the doctor is a dermatologist who is prescribing you something for lung cancer. Finally, there has to be some general agreement among other experts in this field — if your doctor is the only one using this treatment, then the premise does not support the conclusion.

No Guarantee of Truth

Of course, we must keep in mind that even if these conditions are fully met, that does not guarantee the truth of the conclusion. We are looking at inductive arguments here, and inductive arguments do not have guaranteed true conclusions, even when the premises are true. Instead, we have conclusions which are probably true.

An important issue to consider here how and why anyone might be called an “expert” in some field. It isn’t enough to simply note that an appeal to authority is not a fallacy when that authority is an expert, because we need to have some way to tell when and how we have a legitimate an expert, or when we just have a fallacy.

Let’s look at another example:

  • 5. Channeling the spirits of the dead is real, because John Edward says he can do it and he is an expert.

Appeal or Fallacious Appeal?

Now, is the above a legitimate appeal to authority, or a fallacious appeal to authority? The answer rests with whether or not it is true that we can call Edward an expert on channeling the spirits of the dead. Let’s do a comparison of the following two examples to see if that helps:

  • 6. Professor Smith, shark expert: Great White Sharks are dangerous.
  • 7. John Edward: I can channel the spirit of your dead grandmother.

When it comes to the authority of Professor Smith, it isn’t so hard to accept that he might be an authority on sharks. Why? Because the topic that he is an expert on involves empirical phenomena and more importantly, it is possible for us to check on what he has claimed and verify it for ourselves. Such verification might be time consuming (and, when it comes to sharks, perhaps dangerous!), but that is usually why an appeal to authority is made in the first place.

Usual Tools Unavailable

But when it comes to Edward, the same things cannot really be said. We simply do not have the usual tools and methods available to us to verify that he is, indeed, channeling someone’s dead grandmother and thereby getting information from her. Since we have no idea how his claim might be verified, even in theory, it simply isn’t possible to conclude that he is an expert on the subject.

Now, that does not mean that there cannot be experts or authorities on the behavior of people who claim to channel the spirits of the dead, or experts on the social phenomena surrounding belief in channeling. This is because the claims made by these so-called experts can be verified and evaluated independently. By the same token, a person might be an expert on theological arguments and the history of theology, but to call them an expert on “god” would just be begging the question.


Prior Authorization denial - How to resolve and appeal

Denial reason 15 N54/N351 Payment adjusted because the submitted authorization number is missing, invalid, or does not apply to the billed services or provider.

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• Provider ID
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Denial code 62 Payment denied/reduced for absence of, or exceeded, pre-certification/ auth

The authorization has either insufficient or zero units remaining for the service(s) Billed. At this point in time, claims that contain more units than are left on the PA are pending in the system. The claims are not being worked because the # of units that appear to be left on the PA is not always correct. The system will be fixed in the future to correct the # of used units on the PA when a claim is billed and processed. Until this system fix is completed providers can only be paid when the # of units billed is equal to or less than the # allowed on the PA. Once the fix has been implemented, pended claims will be reprocessed, the PA will be updated to reflect the correct # of units and pay the claim appropriately. Providers will be notified when the fix has been implemented and claims recycled. Unisys Provider Relations Unit can tell providers how many units appear to be left on the authorization at this time.


How to avoidReferral/Prior Authorization Request Delays or rejection - Tricare guidelines

The following guidelines will help expedite your referral and authorization requests:

• Submit an online request or, if that option is not available to you, use the TRICARE Patient Referral/Authorization Form for any TRICARE Prime beneficiary requiring a specialty care referral or a prior authorization for any TRICARE West Region beneficiary who requires prior authorization for services on the Prior Authorization List


Submit complete online referral and authorization requests with physician documentation and all clinical indications, including laboratory/ radiology results related to the requested service. Attach relevant documentation to your online request. If you have an electronic medical management system, you may also copy/paste from that system into your online request. If you are unable to submit your requests online, submit a complete and legible TRICARE
Patient Referral/Authorization Form by fax.

• If you submit referrals and authorizations online on a regular basis, please use a Request Type profile that includes your requested codes.

* TriWest has online user guides to help you select the correct Request Type profile. TriWest has more than 100 profiles and using them will eliminate any code range issues. If you cannot use a profile, TriWest limits code ranges (low and high) to 10 codes. If the code range is more than 10 codes, the user will get an error indicating that the “allowable” code range has been exceeded and will have to put in a code range less than 10 codes. The user will not be able to enter the request until there is an acceptable code range.

• Be specific about the requested services and provide the most appropriate procedure and diagnosis codes. Requests for DME also require complete information on applicable codes. A reasonable range is acceptable.
Include National Drug Codes (NDCs) for medication requests.

• Make sure the correct ICD-10 and Current Procedural Terminology (CPT®) code(s) are included. Include clinical documentation for services on the Prior Authorization List.

Be sure to clearly reference your contact information, particularly the fax number to which TriWest should respond. Incomplete forms may slow the process.

• When pictures are needed to support the requested service, the preferred method of submission is to use the online referral and authorization tool
and attach a digital photograph to the request.

Pictures sent via fax do not transmit clearly and may delay the process while
TriWest requests and awaits receipt of originals.

• Generally, approvals are active for 180 days, unless otherwise indicated on the referral/ authorization approval letter. If the servicing provider is unable to provide the approved services prior to the expiration of the referral,
a new referral/authorization request must be submitted. If it has been 180 days or more since the initial approved request for the same diagnosis, the PCM should request the new referral/authorization. If the specialist has obtained a referral from the PCM within 180 days, the specialist may make the request
for services related to the same diagnosis.

If the servicing provider wishes to add additional procedural or treatment codes to the approved referral or authorization, then a new referral/
authorization request must be submitted covering the additional requested services.

• Verify the beneficiary’s demographic information (sponsor’s Social Security number, address, date of birth, etc.) and include it on the request form.

• When using the fax process, you only need to fax your referral or authorization request once, if you have confirmed that you faxed the referral
to the correct number and have a confirmation from your fax machine. Re-faxing creates duplicate requests and delays processing. You may check the status of your request online at any time if you are registered with
www.triwest.com/provider, regardless of whether the request was submitted online or by fax. You may also call 1-888-TRIWEST (1-888-874-9378) if you have not received a response within five days.

• When using the fax process, send only one completed TRICARE Patient Referral/ Authorization Form per fax. Sending multiple requests under one fax cover sheet increases the processing time.

• Approved referrals are faxed to provider offices between midnight and 3:00 a.m. daily. It is important to leave (secure) fax machines on after hours to ensure prompt receipt of authorizations from TriWest. You may also obtain the status of services for which you are the approved servicing provider 24 hours a day,
seven days a week online if you are registered with www.triwest.com/provider.

• Remember to submit the CPT or Healthcare Common Procedure Coding System (HCPCS) codes for services requested. “Episodes of care” (EOC) have been developed for common types of health care service requests that have also
been identified as having potential for claims processing errors. Experience shows that additional services are commonly requested, subsequent to the initial request. In such cases, more services may be approved than requested providers should only provide medically necessary services.


Reason code - 62 M62 Missing/ incomplete/invalid treatment authorization code


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