Mass slaughter in Ukraine

Mass slaughter in Ukraine


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On August 28, 1941, more than 23,000 Hungarian Jews are murdered by the Gestapo in occupied Ukraine.

The German invasion of the Soviet Union had advanced to the point of mass air raids on Moscow and the occupation of parts of Ukraine. On August 26, Hitler displayed the joys of conquest by inviting Benito Mussolini to Brest-Litovsk, where the Germans had destroyed the city’s citadel. The grand irony is that Ukrainians had originally viewed the Germans as liberators from their Soviet oppressors and an ally in the struggle for independence. But as early as July, the Germans were arresting Ukrainians agitating and organizing for a provisional state government with an eye toward autonomy and throwing them into concentration camps. The Germans also began carving the nation up, dispensing parts to Poland (already occupied by Germany) and Romania.

But true horrors were reserved for Jews in the territory. Tens of thousands of Hungarian Jews had been expelled from that country and migrated to Ukraine. The German authorities tried sending them back, but Hungary would not take them. SS General Franz Jaeckeln vowed to deal with the influx of refugees by the “complete liquidation of those Jews by September 1.” He worked even faster than promised. On August 28, he marched more than 23,000 Hungarian Jews to bomb craters at Kamenets Podolsk, ordered them to undress, and riddled them with machine-gun fire. Those who didn’t die from the spray of bullets were buried alive under the weight of corpses that piled atop them.

All told, more than 600,000 Jews had been murdered in Ukraine by war’s end.


"Red Terror" (September-October 1918) **

1918 August 31-September 4: ‘In response’ to the double attack that took place on August 30, 1918 against Moisei Uritsky, head of the Petrograd Cheka, and against Vladimir Lenin in Moscow, approximately 1,300 ‘bourgeois hostages’ held in Petrograd and Kronstadt prisons were massacred by Chekists.

1918 September 5: Decree of the Council of People's Commissars "On Red Terror" urging "the isolation of the Soviet Republic’s class enemies in concentration camps and summary executions of any individual involved in White Guard organizations, insurrections or riots."

1918 September-October: Mass executions of ‘bourgeois hostages’ in Moscow, Petrograd, Tver, Nijni-Novgorod, Viatka, Perm, Ivano-Voznessensk, Tula… etc. Estimated number of victims: 10,000 to 15,000 (Ejenedelnik VCK, September 22-October 27, 1918 Leggett, 1981). In a matter of weeks, the Cheka, the political police of the new regime, carried out two to three times as many executions as the Czarist regime had pronounced death sentences over a 92-year period from 1825 to 1917. Moreover, under the Czarist regime, death sentences were pronounced following legal procedures and later often commuted to forced labor sentences.


Stalin’s Cannibals

How much should the cannibalism count? How should we factor it into the growing historical-moral-political argument over how to compare Hitler’s and Stalin’s genocides, and the death tolls of communism and fascism in general. I know I had not considered it. I had really not been aware of the extent of the cannibalism that took place during the Stalinist-enforced famine in the Ukraine in 1933 until I read Yale University history professor Timothy Snyder’s shocking, unflinching depiction of it in Bloodlands, his groundbreaking new book about Hitler’s and Stalin’s near-simultaneous genocides.

For the past three decades, beginning with what was called in Germany the Historikerstreit, or historians’ battle, continuing with the 1997 French publication of The Black Book of Communism (which put the death toll from communist regimes at close to 100 million compared with 25 million from Hitler and fascism), there has been a controversy over comparative genocide and comparative evil that has pitted Hitler’s mass murders against Stalin’s, Mao’s, and Pol Pot’s.

I had been all too vaguely aware of the role the Stalin-imposed Ukraine famine played in the argument—according to many calculations, it added more than 3 million dead to the sum of Stalin’s victims.

But I suppose that, without looking deeply into it, I had considered Stalin’s state-created famine a kind of “soft genocide” compared with the industrialized mass murder of Hitler’s death camps or even with the millions of victims of Stalin’s own purges of the late ‘30s and the gulags they gave birth to.

Snyder’s book, while controversial in some respects, forces us to face the facts about the famine, and the cannibalism helps place the Ukraine famine in the forefront of debate, not as some mere agricultural misfortune, but as one of the 20 th century’s deliberate mass murders.

Students of comparative evil often point out that Stalin caused a higher death toll than Hitler, even without taking the famine deaths into account those losses were not treated the same way as his other crimes or as Hitler’s killing and gassing in death camps. Shooting or gassing is more direct and immediate than starving a whole nation.

But Snyder’s account of the Ukraine famine persuasively makes the case that Stalin in effect turned the entire Ukraine into a death camp and, rather than gassing its people, decreed death by famine.

Should this be considered a lesser crime because it’s less “hands-on”? Here’s where the accounts of cannibalism caused me to rethink this question—and to examine the related question of whether one can distinguish degrees of evil in genocides by their methodology.

The argument has been simmering for some time because it has consequences for how we think of events in contemporary history. Nazism, it is generally agreed, cannot be rehabilitated in any way, because it was inextricable from Hitler’s crimes, but there are some on the left who believe communism can be rehabilitated despite the crimes of Stalin, and despite new evidence that the tactics of terror were innovations traceable to his predecessor Lenin.

There are those like the Postmodern sophist Slavoj Žižek who argue that Stalin’s crimes were his aberrational distortion of an otherwise admirably utopian Marxist-Leninism whose reputation still deserves respect and maybe a Lacanian tweak in light of the genocidal reality of Marxist/Leninist regimes. But can one really separate an ideology from the genocides repeatedly committed in its name?

In reviewing Bloodlands in The New York Review of Books, my Slate colleague Anne Applebaum observed:

Are there distinctions to be made between Hitler’s and Stalin’s genocides? Is it possible—without diminishing Hitler’s evil—to argue that Stalin’s crimes were by some measures worse? If we’re speaking of quantity, Stalin’s mass murder death toll may have far exceeded Hitler’s, with many putting the figure at 20 million or so, depending on what you count.

But quantity probably shouldn’t be the only measure. There is also intent. To some, Stalin’s murders are not on the same plane (or at the same depth), because he may have believed however dementedly that he was acting in the service of the higher goal of class warfare and the universal aspirations of the oppressed working class. As opposed to Hitler, who killed in the service of a base, indefensible racial hatred.

But on the other hand, one could argue, Hitler too may have believed he was serving an idealistic cause, “purifying” humanity of a “plague bacillus” (his charming term for Jews) like a doctor (he often compared himself to Koch and Pasteur).

Indeed, I’ll never forget the moment, which I recount in Explaining Hitler , when the great historian H.R. Trevor-Roper leaned toward me over a coffee table in London’s Oxford and Cambridge Club after I’d asked him whether he felt Hitler knew what he was doing was wrong. No, Trevor Roper snapped, “Hitler was convinced of his own rectitude.”

I find it hard to understand anyone who wants to argue that the murder of 20 million is “preferable” to anything, but our culture still hasn’t assimilated the genocidal equivalence between Stalin and Hitler, because, as Applebaum points out, we used the former to defeat the latter. *

Consider the fact that downtown New York is home to a genuinely likable literary bar ironically named “KGB.” The KGB, of course, was merely the renamed version of Stalin’s NKVD, itself the renamed version of the OGPU, the secret police spearhead of his genocidal policies. And under its own name the KGB was responsible for the continued murder and torture of dissidents and Jews until the Soviet Union fell in 1991 (although of course an ex-KGB man named Putin is basically running the place now).

You could argue that naming a bar “KGB” is just a kind of Cold War kitsch (though millions of victims might take issue with taking it so lightly). But the fact that you can even make the kitsch argument is a kind of proof of the differential way Soviet and Nazi genocides and their institutions are still treated. Would people seek to hold literary readings at a downtown bar ironically named “Gestapo”?

The full evil of Stalin still hasn’t sunk in. I know it to be true intellectually, but our culture has not assimilated the magnitude of his crimes. Which is perhaps why the cannibalism jolted me out of any illusion that meaningful distinctions could be made between Stalin and Hitler.

Perhaps we’ve failed to assimilate what we’ve learned about Stalin, Soviet communism, and Mao’s communism (50 million may have died in the Great Leap Forward famine and the Cultural Revolution’s murders) because for some time the simmering argument had a kind of disreputable side. In the mid-’80s there were German historians such as Jürgen Habermas accusing other German historians such as Ernst Nolte of trying to “normalize” the Nazi regime by playing up its moral equivalence to Stalinist Russia, by suggesting even that Hitler’s murderous methods were a response to Stalinist terror and genocide, which some saw as an attempt to “excuse” Hitler.

But the disreputable uses to which the argument has been put—normalizing Hitler by focusing on Stalin’s crimes—should not blind us to the magnitude and consequences of those crimes.

There is no algorithm for evil, but the case of Stalin’s has for a long time weighed more heavily the ideological murders and gulag deaths that began in 1937 and played down the millions who—Snyder argues—were just as deliberately, cold-bloodedly murdered by enforced famine in 1932 and 1933.

Here is where the shock of Snyder’s relatively few pages on cannibalism brought the question of degrees of evil alive once again to me. According to Snyder’s carefully documented account, it was not uncommon during the Stalin-imposed famine in Soviet Ukraine for parents to cook and eat their children.

The bare statement alone is horrifying even to write.

The back story: While Lenin was content, for a time anyway, to allow the new Soviet Union to develop a “mixed economy” with state-run industry and peasant-owned private farms, Stalin decided to “collectivize” the grain-producing breadbasket that was the Ukraine. His agents seized all land from the peasants, expelling landowners and placing loyal ideologues with little agricultural experience in charge of the newly collectivized farms, which began to fail miserably. And to fulfill Five-Year Plan goals, he seized all the grain and food that was grown in 1932 and 1933 to feed the rest of Russia and raise foreign capital, and in doing so left the entire Ukrainian people with nothing to eat—except, sometimes, themselves.

I’ve read things as horrifying, but never more horrifying than the four pages in Snyder’s book devoted to cannibalism. In a way I’d like to warn you not to read it it is, unfortunately, unforgettable. On the other hand, not to read it is a refusal to be fully aware of what kind of world we live in, what human nature is capable of. The Holocaust taught us much on these questions, but alas, there is more to learn. Maybe it’s better to live in denial. Better to think of human history Pollyanna-like, as an evolution upward, although sometimes I feel Darwin spoke more truly than he knew when he titled his book The Descent of Man. Certainly one’s understanding of both Stalinism and human nature will be woefully incomplete until one does read Snyder’s pages.

According to Snyder “at least 2,505 people were sentenced for cannibalism in the years 1932 and 1933 in Ukraine, although the actual number of cases was most certainly greater.”

One more horror story. About a group of women who sought to protect children from cannibals by gathering them in an “orphanage” in the Kharkov region:

“And appetite, an universal wolf/ So doubly seconded with will and power/ Must make perforce an universal prey/ And last eat up himself.” So Shakespeare wrote, but note that he is speaking not just of the appetite for food, but for power. Stalin was the true cannibal.

How should one react to this? There may only have been a few thousand cases, compared with the millions Stalin starved or murdered, compared with Hitler’s slaughters, but there is something in these accounts that forces one to realize there are depths of evil one has not been able to imagine before. Killing another human being, killing millions of human beings. Evil. But forcing parents to cook and eat their children—did one know this was in the repertoire of human behavior? Must we readjust radically downward our vision of human nature? That any human could cause or carry out such acts must mean many are capable of it.

The point of the controversy really should be not whether Hitler or Stalin was worse, but that there was more than one of them, more than two of course: There are also Pol Pot and the Rwandan killers, among others.

Even if those 2,500 arrests for cannibalism were dwarfed by the numbers of those 2 million or more starved to death, they have something unspeakable to say, something almost beyond words. In the light of these reports, can those such as Slavoj Žižek still defend Marxism for its utopian universalism and dismiss the cannibalism as unfortunate unintended consequences of too much zealousness in pursuit of a higher cause? Just a detour on the road to Utopia. Tell us, Mr. Žižek, please. (And by the way, to scorn Postmodern Marxism is not to defend the failings of Postmodern capitalism.)

Should we hold different kinds of genocide differentially evil? One would think brutal direct mass slaughter to be the worst form, but forcing human beings to descend to cannibalizing their children goes beyond physical torture and killing. It is spiritual torture, murder of the souls. In a way more vicious and wicked because the enforced self-degradation is unimaginable in its suffering.

We know what it says about Stalin and his henchmen, all too willing to be accomplices of this horror. But what about the cannibals? How should we regard them? Purely as victims, with no choice? Certainly they must have suffered mentally and spiritually more than we can imagine. But does that mean they didn’t have a choice? If we accept they had a choice are we blaming the victims? Or is it clear they were driven insane by starvation—and cannot be held fully culpable by reason of diminished capacity? On the other hand not every family that starved to death turned to cannibalism were they of stronger moral constitution?

Snyder is very careful about this. He concedes “cannibalism is a taboo of literature as well as life, as communities seek to protect their dignity by suppressing the record of this desperate mode of survival. Ukrainians outside the Soviet Union have treated cannibalism as a source of great shame.”

This is an almost too carefully, thus confusingly, worded sentence. It seems as if he’s saying that some communities haven’t sought to suppress the facts, but feel shame—”Ukrainians outside the Soviet Union.” But there is no more Soviet Union. What did or do the Ukrainians who now have their own nation feel? What are they supposed to feel? Victimized into being perpetrators?

These are not easy questions, the ones about how to evaluate degrees of evil. I spend probably too much time thinking about them. Sometimes there are distinctions without a significant difference. Here are some very preliminary thoughts:

—Even if the cannibalism was confined to a few thousand and the larger genocides involved millions, they are not irrelevant to the heart of darkness revealed in the “bloodlands” that lay between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union.

—There are some distinctions, but no real difference, between Hitler’s and Stalin’s genocides. Once you get over 5 million, it’s fair to say all genocidal monsters are alike.

Finally, the only other conclusion one can draw is that “European civilization” is an oxymoron. These horrors, Nazi and Communist, all arose out of European ideas, political and philosophical, being put into practice. Even the Cambodian genocide had its genesis in the cafes of Paris where Pol Pot got his ideas. Hitler got his ideas in the cafes of Vienna.

“After such knowledge,” as Eliot said, “what forgiveness?”

Correction, Feb. 9, 2011: This sentence originally transposed the words
former and latter, inadvertently suggesting that the Allies used Hitler to defeat Stalin, rather than vice versa. (Return to the corrected sentence.)


Mass slaughter in Ukraine - HISTORY

"In memory of the thousands of martyrs of Borszczcow, Skala, Ozirn, Korolivka, Mielnica, Krivec, and the surrounding villages, who, in the spring of 5703, were murdered by the German Nazis and their helpers--may their name and memory be blotted out--and who were buried in a mass grave in this field, which was formerly a ruined cemetery.

May God avenge their pure blood.

May their souls be bound in the bond of life."

Erected in the year 5751 by the survivors of the aforementioned communities.

Inscription reads:

"We remember

From the citizens

of the town of

Left: M emorial at the killing field outside of town.

about 2600 Jews residents of

Kamin-Kashirsky and the vicinity

by the Germans and their helpers

27 Av 5702 - 10 August 1942

22 Heshvan 5703 - 2 November 1942

May their souls be bound in the knot of life."

The inscription reads:

Here was the ghetto of

Kamin-Kushirski and the region in which about 3000 Jews lived

From here they were sent to be massacred by

the Nazis and their helpers on the dates:

the eve of Rosh Hashana 5701 - 23 August 1941

10 August 1942 - 27 Av 5702

2 November 1942 - 22 Heshvan 5703

From here Jews left for the forests to fight in the ranks of the partisans. Honor to their memory! "


Old mass grave memorial

New mass grave memorial completed a few years ago right in town.

Memorial plaque in remembrance of those killed here.

This memorial is located on a hill top at the site of the mass grave outside of the town.
The stone on the left is a weathered, illegible stone
brought from the cemetery in the town. The translation of the memorial on the left is:

The English inscription reads:
"Here lie 3500 Jews, citizens of Rohatyn and its surrounding areas who were brutally killed by the German Nazis on the 20th of March 1942.


Ukraine Marks 75 Years Since Babi Yar Mass Slaughter of Jews

The carnage by Nazi forces at the Babi Yar ravine has caused years of soul-searching and debate in Ukraine over the participation of local collaborators in the killings and atrocities that followed.

Israeli President Reuven Rivlin was meant to attend a memorial ceremony led by Ukrainian leader Petro Poroshenko and the European Union’s Donald Tusk on Thursday evening.

But he cut short his visit to Kiev due to the death of Israeli statesman Shimon Peres — although not before drawing criticism for “undiplomatic” comments about Ukrainians’ role in the Babi Yar slaughter.

The anniversary comes at a sensitive time for Ukraine, as a confrontation with Russia has sparked a rising tide of nationalism that has increasingly lionised some groups accused of WWII crimes against the Jews.

Members of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) collaborated with Hitler’s generals in the early years of the war, because they felt the Nazis could help them win independence from the Soviet Union’s even-more-hated Stalin.

Rivlin did not shy away from telling Ukrainian lawmakers in Kiev on Tuesday that “many of the crimes were committed by Ukrainians” during the Holocaust.

“The fighters of UPA were especially prominent,” said Rivlin.

“They victimised the Jews, killed them, and in many cases reported them to the Nazis.”

Rivlin’s comments led the Ukrainian parliament’s deputy speaker to condemn his remarks as “undiplomatic”.

“Certain statements of our esteemed guest were out of place in these days of mourning, with them spoken in the parliament of a country that today is also fighting for its independence,” Iryna Gerashchenko said.

Gerashchenko was referring to a 29-month pro-Russian revolt that has claimed 9,600 lives in the east of Ukraine.

Moscow denies sparking the war in reprisal for the 2014 ouster of Ukraine’s Russian-backed leader and its western neighbour’s decision to seek future membership in the European Union and NATO.

The Nazis helped by local auxiliaries exterminated the Jews between September 29 and 30 of 1941 as they blitzed their way toward Moscow and captured major cities on the western flank of the former Soviet Union.

The last survivor of that carnage still alive in Kiev told AFP that Jews comprised about a quarter of the city’s 800,000-strong population at the time.

About 100,000 live in the city today out of a population of around 2.8 million and Yiddish, once widely spoken among Ashkenazi Jews, is almost never heard on the streets.

Babi Yar is now rarely mentioned by locals. But the horror of those dark days is still vividly etched in the memories of some.

“We were gathered and sent along ‘the path to death’,” Raisa Maistrenko, 78, said in an interview at what today is a green ravine scattered with Soviet-era monuments and a Jewish Menorah candelabrum put up when the empire was crumbling in 1991.

Just 29 people managed to escape execution by either falling into the mass grave before being shot in the back or wearing crosses to hide their true religion.

Maistrenko’s 18 relatives never returned from Babi Yar.

“All the Jews decided to go because they thought they would be evacuated by train as the railway station was nearby. Nobody could possibly assume there would be a mass execution,” she recalled in hushed tones.

“We heard the shooting behind us, but (my) granny — she kept holding me — did not look back and kept running until she fell exhausted among the graves in a nearby cemetery.”

Maistrenko said they were hiding there until sunset before finding their way back home under the cover of darkness.

There — to their relief — no one reported them to the Nazis.

“There were two big houses in our courtyard filled with multi-national families, but all were very friendly to each other,” Maistrenko said.


3 Shackled Skeletons

During the excavation of a large cemetery from the ancient city of Phaleron near Athens, Greece, a mass grave was discovered. The cemetery contained around 1,500 burials from the eight to the fifth century BC.

The mass grave was made for 80 individuals and stands out as 36 of them were shackled with their arms above their heads. This grave is dated to 650&ndash625 BC based on the pottery shards found within it. [8]

Due to the date of the grave and the way the people were buried, piled together, and bound, it has been speculated that they were rebels from the revolt in 632 BC. At this time, a former Olympic champion, Cylon, had raised a group of people to try to take over Athens.

However, when he failed, Cylon escaped and left the rest of his group to be captured. Though the story matches the grave, there is presently no way to say for certain that this was Cylon&rsquos group of rebels.


New Film Exposes Russia's Mass Murder of Ukrainians, Aggression that Continues Today

Russia hid details about the mass starvation on an unimaginable scale by Stalin in the 1930s and afterward until archives were opened following Ukraine's independence in 1991.

Ukraine is a nation interrupted, its identity and promise stolen by invaders and predators for centuries.

Ukraine's principle oppressor has been, and remains, Russia where leaders like Vladimir Putin propagate the fiction that Ukraine is "little Russia". But the two are distinctive and the Ukrainian language is as different from Russian as is Spanish from French.

Putin's postulation is not only inaccurate, but deeply hurtful and insulting, given the historical and ongoing abuse by Moscow of Ukraine. In the 1930s, Joseph Stalin perpetrated one of the greatest crimes against humanity in history by purposely starving to death millions of Ukrainians for resisting his Five Year Plan to collectivize and industrialize agriculture.

Finally, a film will be released in the new year that portrays Stalin's monstrous policies and how they brought about The Great Famine of 1933, known in Ukrainian as the Holodomor (death by starvation).

A new movie is entitled Bitter Harvest and stars veteran actor Terence Stamp and new British sensation Max Irons, in his first leading man role. It is a love story set during one of history's darkest moments and portrays the history you don't know and cannot imagine.

Canadian Ian Ihnatowycz produced this film to set the record straight for the West about the suffering of Ukrainians at the hands of Russia, a reality that still continues. His parents and grandparents fled the country during the Second World War.

"Like all Ukrainians, my family suffered enormously over the years," he said. "There isn't a Ukrainian alive who doesn't know about the persecution, executions and starvation. Given the importance of what happened, and that few outside Ukraine knew about it because it had been covered up, the story of this genocide needed to be told. It's relevant today."

The scale of The Great Famine remained hidden by the Soviets, but in 1991 Ukraine declared independence and opened up the Soviet archives to the world. These revelations led to a 2003 United Nations Joint Statement, signed by Russia, that declared the Holodomor had taken 7 to 10 million innocent lives. Then on October 23, 2008, the European Parliament adopted a resolution recognizing the Holodomor as a crime against humanity.

The movie is a fitting backdrop to the current violence against Ukraine by Russia. In 1933, alarming reports about mass starvation were reported in the British press, but ignored in the U.S. That same year, the U.S. recognized the Soviet Union officially and in 1934, Stalin won membership into the League of Nations.

Today, concern about Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine has been muted considering that it is Europe's largest country, the size of Germany and Poland combined, with 45 million people and a toppling economy.

Several books about the Holodomor have been published since but the most comprehensive is Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin, written in 2010 by Yale Professor Timothy Snyder. The slaughter he documents and details is, quite frankly, difficult to comprehend.

"More than five million people starved to death in the Soviet Union in the early 1930s, most of them in Soviet Ukraine. The hunger was caused by collective agriculture, but the starvation was caused by politics," he wrote. "Then in the Great Terror of 1937 and 1938, the Soviet leadership identified peasants, the victims of collectivization, as the prime threat to Soviet power. Nearly 700,000 were executed, although the true number may be somewhat higher."

Another 300,000 were executed by Ukrainian government puppets of Moscow and hundreds of thousands more shipped off to Gulags and work camps.

Then the Second World War followed. In 1941, Hitler invaded Soviet Ukraine and Belarus. Between 1933 and 1945, Snyder estimates that a total of 14 million non-combatants were killed by Stalin and Hitler in the Bloodlands, principally Ukraine, Poland and Belarus.

The Holocaust, that took the lives of six million Jews across Europe, took place during this time and has been well documented and depicted. But Bitter Harvest represents the first feature film to expose the world to the catastrophic Holodomor mass murder.

Naturally, the film is disturbing. Stamp's performance is riveting, as the patriarch of a family facing extinction, as is Max Irons' poignant portrayal of Stamp's grandson, a young artist and that of Samantha Barks as his lover.

Irons and Barks are ranking members of the "Brit Pack", young and talented artists from Britain who are successful internationally. He is best known for his roles in The Riot Club in 2014, The White Queen and The Host in 2013, Barks for her performance in the movie version of Les Miserables and Stamp is an acclaimed veteran of stage and screen.

"Distribution plans are being negotiated and the film should be available to the public in the New Year," said Ihnatowycz.

The movie was filmed at Pinewood Studios and on location in Ukraine where final scenes were shot just days before Ukraine's corrupt former President opted in late 2013 to join Russia instead of the European Union. That decision sparked mass street protests throughout Ukraine and eventually his overthrow.

In spring 2014, Putin took advantage of the chaos and sent in operatives to destabilize and occupy Crimea and the Donbas. His objective was to invade and annex most, if not all, of Ukraine, but resistance has been heroic.

"It's ironic that before we even finished our film we had yet another example of Russia's aggression against Ukraine and history repeating itself," said Ihnatowycz.

This time, Ukraine is once more a victim of Russian predation and once again a casualty of Russian propaganda and tepid concern by world leaders.

For these and other reasons, Bitter Harvest is an important movie that everyone should see. Its relevance is undeniable and enlightening.

This is the real narrative of Ukraine, an unbowed but bruised nation with defiant resilience, still yearning to be free.


This event happened in the Philippines, and it is estimated that the Filipinos and the Spaniards slaughtered anywhere from 17,000 to 22,000 Chinese people.

We can start the list of the most horrific massacres in history with the Chinese massacre of 1639. This event happened in the Philippines, and it is estimated that the Filipinos and the Spaniards slaughtered anywhere from 17,000 to 22,000 Chinese people. The reason for this massacre is tied to the fact that there were Chinese communities throughout Southeast Asia, and they were mostly working as merchants or scholars. Often they would end up being wealthier than the locals, which was the cause of riots, and ultimately this massacre.


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