Wilhelm Cuno

Wilhelm Cuno


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Wilhelm Cuno was born in Suhl, Germany on 2nd July, 1876. He studied law in Berlin and Heidelberg, before joining the German civil service

In 1907 Cuno was appointed as assessor in the German treasury department and helped draft bills for the Reichstag.

During the First World War Cuno headed the department that had the responsibility of maintaining grain supplies. Later he served in the food ministry and as an advisory to the government on the war economy.

In December 1918 Cuno became chairman of the Hamburg-American Line, Germany's largest shipping company. After refusing two offers to join the German government Cuno accepted the post of chancellor in November 1922.

The French invasion of the Ruhr in January, 1923, caused Cuno political problems. His policy of passive resistance was unpopular in Germany and in August, 1923 he was forced to resign as chancellor.

Cuno returned to private industry and once again became chairman of Hamburg-American Line. Wilhelm Cuno died on 3rd January, 1933.


Wilhelm Cuno

Carl Josef Wilhelm Cuno (* 2. Juli 1876 in Suhl † 3. Januar 1933 in Aumühle) war ein deutscher Geschäftsmann und parteiloser Politiker. Er war vom 22. November 1922 bis 12. August 1923 deutscher Reichskanzler. Cuno vertrat konservative und wirtschaftsliberale Ansichten. Er war Direktor der HAPAG und als Wirtschaftsvertreter bei zahlreichen Konferenzen und Gremien vertreten.


Wilhelm Cuno

Wilhelm Carl Josef Cuno (2. heinäkuuta 1876 Suhl – 3. tammikuuta 1933 Aumühle) [1] oli saksalainen talousasiantuntija, yritysjohtaja ja poliitikko, joka toimi Saksan valtakunnankanslerina vuosina 1922–1923.

Cuno nimitettiin vuonna 1907 virkamieheksi Saksan valtiovarainministeriöön ja hän toimi maan hallituksen neuvonantajana lakiesitysten laatimisessa ja antamisessa valtiopäivien käsiteltäväksi. Ensimmäisen maailmansodan alkuvuosina hän johti viljantuotantoa valvonutta valtion virastoa, kunnes siirtyi heinäkuussa 1916 elintarvikeministeriöön. Sen jälkeen hän toimi valtiovarainministeriön pääneuvonantajana sotatalouteen liittyneissä asioissa. Cuno toimi Saksan hallituksen talousasiantuntijana myös aselepo- ja rauhanneuvotteluissa. Hän siirtyi joulukuussa 1918 Saksan suurimman laivayhtiön Hapagin toimitusjohtajaksi itsemurhan tehneen Albert Ballinin seuraajana. Toimitusjohtajana Cuno puolusti usein epävirallisesti Saksan ulkopoliittisia intressejä. [1]

Cuno kieltäytyi useasti ministerintehtävistä, mutta suostui marraskuussa 1922 ryhtymään kansleriksi. Hän sai tällöin liike-elämän ja teollisuuden vahvan tuen. Hänen hallituksensa ei onnistunut kuitenkaan hillitsemään voimakasta inflaatiota eikä saanut neuvoteltua tarvittuja helpotuksia Saksan maksettavaksi määrättyihin sotakorvauksiin. Kun Saksa ei kyennyt maksamaan korvauksia ajallaan, Ranska ja Belgia miehittivät Ruhrin alueen tammikuussa 1923. Cunon hallitus pyrki vastustamaan miehitystä passiivisella vastarinnalla. Maan talous ei kuitenkaan kestänyt tästä syntynyttä verorasitusta. Sosiaalidemokraatit onnistuivat aikaansaamaan epäluottamuslauseen Cunon hallitukselle elokuussa 1923, minkä jälkeen hän joutui eroamaan. Cuno palasi tämän jälkeen Hapagin johtokuntaan, jonka puheenjohtajaksi hänet valittiin vuonna 1926. [1]


Wilhelm Cuno

Carl Josef Wilhelm Cuno född 2 juli 1876 i Suhl, Thüringen, död 3 januari 1933 var en tysk jurist, industrialist, affärsman och politiker (partilös). Han var Tysklands rikskansler 1922-1923.

Cuno var från 1907 verksam i departementet för skatteärenden och åtnjöt snart stort anseende som expert i dessa frågor. Vid utbrottet av första världskriget blev han efter en tid chef för den central, som planlade spannmålsfördelningen, och kvarstod som sådan till juli 1916, då han inträdde som Adolf Tortilowicz von Batocki-Friebes medhjälpare i det departement, som handhade frågor rörande livsmedelsförsörjningen. 1917 övergick han i privat tjänst och blev Albert Ballins efterträdare som chef för HAPAG-bolaget. Under republikens första år var han upprepade gånger på förslag som rikskansler. Sedan Joseph Wirths regering avgått i november 1922 övertog han också posten som sådan. Hans regering överlevde mindre på partiernas förtroende än på rikspresident Friedrich Eberts stöd. Efter sitt avsked som rikskansler övergick han till sin position som chef för HAPAG-bolaget. [ 1 ]

Wilhelm Cunos regering är mest känd för det misslyckade försöket att motsätta sig Frankrikes ockupation av Ruhrområdet i västra Tyskland. Ruhr-området, som hade förklarats demilitariserad zon administrerad av Nationernas Förbund vid första världskrigets slut, ockuperades av Frankrike 1923 eftersom Cunos regering inte kunde betala ut det krigsskadestånd som hade ålagts Tyskland i Versaillesfreden.

Den tyska hyperinflationen nådde sin kulmen under Wilhelm Cuno.

Även om Cuno själv var partilös var han rikskansler i en regering med en klar högerprägel. Cunos kabinett var en koalitionsregering mellan det konservativa högerpartiet DNVP, liberala Tyska Demokratiska Partiet och Centrumpartiet.


Wilhelm Cuno

Dr. Wilhelm Carl Josef Cuno (Suhl, 2. srpnja 1876. - Hamburg, 3. siječnja 1933.), njemački političar koji je bio i njemački kancelar od 1922. do 1923.

Cunova vlada posebno se isticala po otporu koju je pružala Francuzima koji su htjeli okupirati njemačku pokrajinu Ruhr (1922.-1923.). Cunova vlada bila je isto odgovorna za loše ophođenje prema velikim novčanim problemima. Naime umjesto da pokušaju otplatiti ratne dugove, Cunova vlada počela je tiskati ogromne svote novca, što je dovelo do hiperinflacije koje je kulminirala 1923.

Wilhem Cuno je pohađao pravnu školu u Berlinu i Heidelbergu. Zaposlio se u carskoj državnoj blagajni 1907. Tijekom Prvog svjetskog rata Cuno se uključio u postrojbu za zalihe hrane njemačkim vojnicima, no 1917. je odustao od civilne službe kako bi se pridružio brodskoj tvrtci Hapag. U prosincu 1918. Cuno je bio promaknut u Hapagovog vrhovnog direktora. Kao ekonomski stručnjak Cuno je sudjelovao u poslijeratim pregovorima u vezi ratne naknade i mirovnih ugovora. Zbog njegovog važnog položaja u njemačkoj politici njegova tvrtka Hapag postala je jedna od najjačih njemačkih brodskih tvrtki, koja je prenosila namirnice i potrepštine između SAD-a i Njemačke.

Informalno reprezentirajući interese Reichove vlade van države, Cuno je odbio nekoliko ponuda da preuzme poziciju ministra vanjskih poslova, no prihvatio je formirati kabinet nakon ostavke Josepha Wirtha. Cuno je bio izabran za njemačkog kancelara 22. studenog 1922. predsjedničkim dekretom i stvorio većinom nestranačku vladu ekonomista i članova Njemačke narodne stranke, Njemačke demokratske stranke, Njemačke stranke centra i Bavarske nacionalne stranke.

Nakon pada njegove vlade, povukao se iz politike i nastavio sa rukovođenjem Hapaga.


Narodil sa v meste Suhl, v tom čase v pruskom Sasku, v dnešnom Durínsku. Bol synom Augusta George Wilhelm Cuna (1848-1915) a jeho manželky Catheriny Elisabeth Theresie (1852-1878). [1] Patril do rímskokatolíckej rodiny. V roku 1906 sa oženil s Marthou Bertou Wirtzovou, dcérou nemeckého obchodníka z Hamburgu Huga Wirtza. Mali syna a dve dcéry. [1] [2]

Študoval právo v Berlíne a Heidelbergu a získal doktorský titul. [1] Roku 1907 sa zamestnal na Úrade ríšskej pokladnice (Reichsschatzamt), pôvodne ako poradca (Regierungsassessor). V roku 1910 bol Cuno povýšený do funkcie vládneho poradcu (Regierungsrat) a roku 1912 sa stal členom Tajnej rady (Geheimer Regierungsrat). Jeho úlohou bola predovšetkým príprava vládnych návrhov a ich prezentácia v Ríšskom sneme (Reichstag). [1] Počas prvej svetovej vojny sa podieľal na organizovaní dodávok potravín pre nemeckú armádu ako vedúci organizácie pre distribúciu obilia a múky (Reichsgetreidestelle) do júla 1916. Potom sa stal štátnym tajomníkom Adolfa von Batocki-Friebeho na Vojnovom úrade pre potraviny (Kriegsernährungsamt). Koncom roku 1916 bol menovaný do funkcie generálneho tajomníka (Generalreferat) pre ekonomické záležitosti v štátnej pokladnici. Na žiadosť Alberta Ballina, Cuno opustil štátnu správu a zamestnal sa v námornej spoločnosti Hapag (Hamburg Amerikanische Packetfahrt Actien Gesellschaft) ako riaditeľ v novembri 1917. Po smrti Ballina v novembri 1918 bol Cuno v decembri 1918 povýšený do funkcie generálneho riaditeľa. [1]

Ako ekonomický expert sa zúčastnil povojnových rokovaní vrátanie odškodnenia a mierových podmienkach. Zúčastnil sa aj Janovskej konferencie roku 1922, ktorú opustil na protest po podpísaní Rapallskej zmluvy medzi Weimarskou republikou a Sovietskym zväzom. Cuno bol taktiež dôležitým vyjednávačom v rokovaniach medzi nemeckými lodnými spoločnosťami a vládou o kompenzácii obchodných lodí dodávanými spojencom na základe Versaillskej zmluvy. [1] [2] V roku 1920 sa Hapag spojil s United American Lines, čím sa Hapag obnovila na prepravnú spoločnosť pre civilné obyvateľstvo. Okrem toho, sa Hapag stal vyhradným lodným prepravcom produktov medzi Nemeckom a USA. Vďaka tomuto neoficiálne zastupoval ríšsku zahraničnú politiku počas svojich služobných ciest do zahraničia. [1]

Odmietol niekoľko návrhov stať sa ministrom zahraničných vecí alebo ministrom financií, ale súhlasil s vytvorením kabinetu po odstúpení Jozefa Wirtha z postu kancelára. 22. novembra 1922 bol menovaný za kancelára (Reichskanzler) len s prezidentským dekrétom a bez hlasovania v Ríšskom sneme. Stal sa prvým kancelárom vo Weimarskej republike, ktorý nebol členom žiadnej politickej strany. Politicky bol pomerne vzdialený od sociálno-demokratického prezidenta Friedricha Eberta, od ktorého dostal poverenie vlády. Mal nízku dôveru voči republike v Nemecku a jej parlamentnému systému.
Vládu zložil z mimovládnych ekonómov a z Nemeckej ľudovej strany, Nemeckej demokratickej strany, Nemeckej strany centrum a Bavorskej ľudovej strany. [1] [2] [3] V jeho vládu bola vložená vysoká dôvera, nakoľko poskladal vládu odborníkov a aj on sám bol významným odborníkom s mnohými konexiami v zahraničí, že povedú krajinu v náročných podmienkach počas rokovaní so spojencami. Cunov plán na vyriešenie problému s odškodnením a stabilizáciou marky na devízovom trhu bol odmietnutý spojencami na výzvu francúzskeho premiéra Poincarého. Keď začalo Nemecko omeškávať s dodávkami dreva a uhlia, Francúzsko hlásalo, že ide o zámerné porušenie zmluvy, čo malo za následok vypuknutie Rúrskej krízy. Následne Cunova vláda vyzvala na pasívny odpor. Porúrie, ktoré v tom čase predstavovalo priemyselné srdce Nemecka, takmer úplne skolabovalo. Finančná podpora tohto regiónu poskytnutá vládou sa odzrkadľovala v celkových číslach, čo spôsobovalo narastajúcu infláciu. Okrem toho sa rapídne zvýšila aj tlač peňazí. [1] Cuno sa snažil o rokovania s Francúzskom, ktoré v máji a júni 1923 zlyhali. V auguste 1923 sa spustila obrovská vlna protestov proti vláde. 12. augusta 1923 Cuno a jeho kabinet rezignovali. [1] [3]

Po odchode z politiky asa vrátil ako riaditeľ do Hapagu. Roku 1926 sa opäť stal generálnym riaditeľom. Pracoval na zlúčení s Norddeutsche Lloyd, ku ktorému došlo roku 1930. [1] V roku 1925 počas prezidentských volieb, Cuno verejne podporoval kandidáta Paula von Hindenburga. [2] V roku 1932 sa Cuno pripojil k Wilhelmovi Kepplerovi, aby ekonomicky radil Adolfovi Hitlerovi. [4]


Kaiser Wilhelm II and World War I

Wilhelm’s behavior during the crisis that led to war in August 1914 is still controversial. There is little doubt that he had been broken psychologically by the criticism that followed the Eulenburg-Harden and Daily Telegraph scandals he suffered an episode of depression in 1908. In addition, the kaiser was out of touch with the realities of international politics in 1914 he thought that his blood relationships to other European monarchs were sufficient to manage the crisis that followed the June 1914 assassination of the Austrian archduke Franz Ferdinand (1863-1914) in Sarajevo, Bosnia. Although Wilhelm signed the order for German mobilization following pressure from his generals–Germany declared war against Russia and France during the first week of August 1914– he is reported to have said, “You will regret this, gentlemen.”

With World War I under way, the kaiser, as commander in chief of the German armed forces, retained the power to make upper-level changes in military command. Nonetheless, he was largely a shadow monarch during the war, useful to his generals as a public-relations figure who toured the front lines and handed out medals. After 1916, Germany was, in effect, a military dictatorship dominated by two generals, Paul von Hindenburg (1847-1934) and Erich Ludendorff (1865-1937).


History concepts

To succeed in history, students must think about history in new and challenging ways. Real history is more rigorous and challenging than simply ‘knowing what happened’ or memorising and reciting facts from the past. History students must begin to think and work like historians. They should learn to search for information and evidence, read extensively and examine relevant historical sources, like documents, images and artefacts.

More importantly, history students should pose difficult questions and think critically. They should be prepared to question the validity of evidence, challenge existing knowledge and evaluate the arguments of others.

History concepts and skills underpin most courses, as shown by this Australian diagram

A first step towards thinking like a historian is learning some important historical concepts. Like most other disciplines, history has its own concepts, skills, terminology and approaches to thinking. Students will frequently encounter terms like change and continuity, cause and effect, sources and evidence. It is important for students to learn these terms and, once confident, to incorporate them into their own thinking and writing.

Change

Change is perhaps the most important of all historical concepts. Exploring, explaining and evaluating change is a universal focus for people who study or work in history. When investigating the past, most historians focus not on a specific moment in time but on how society changed and evolved over a longer period.

Human societies are never static. All societies are undergoing some form of change, however minor or unnoticeable it might be. One of the aims of a historian is to identify, describe and explain this process of change. They seek to find out the conditions and factors that caused change. They try to identify how this change affected the society in question.

The speed of change is also significant. Most historical change is slow, gradual or evolutionary it causes little disruption to society and its individual members. But some historical change – like the upheaval caused by a war, a revolution, an economic depression or political radicalism – can be abrupt, fast moving and tumultuous.

Continuity

Continuity is the opposite of change. It is where things stay more or less the same. Historians are interested in change but they are mindful that not everything changes. Even during a period of great upheaval, some institutions, traditions, ideas and human behaviours will remain constant.

The rise of a new monarch or political leader might bring significant change, though the political system itself may remain the same. A revolution might hope to create a new society but it may not change the way that people think or behave. Revolutionary leaders might rebel against oppressive governments, only to end up using similar methods themselves.

An example of continuity is the quasi-royal powers given to the US president in 1789

Continuity is important because it provides stability and consistency, allowing nations and societies to hold together and keep functioning. As American politician Pauline Kezer puts it, “continuity gives us roots but change gives us branches”. Too much change can shake the foundations of a society and create uncertainty, destabilisation, lack of control, even human suffering. Continuity also demonstrates how difficult it can be to change certain attitudes and behaviours.

Cause and effect

Two important historical concepts are cause and effect. Every significant event, development or change is triggered by at least one cause. To understand an event, the first task of the historian is to identify and study the factors that caused it.

Sometimes historical causes can seem straightforward, so that ‘x’ appears to have brought about ‘y’. In reality, history is rarely so simple or obvious. Significant events usually have multiple causes, some of which may be connected, disguised or subtle. Historical causes can evolve over the long term, building up over months, years, even decades and generations – or they can be short-term causes, triggering change in a month, a week or even a day. Causes can be political, like the passing of a new law or policy or economic, like a new invention or the development of new forms of trade or commerce.

A concept diagram showing causes and effects of the French and Indian War

Every significant historical action or event also has effects or consequences. Historians study the aftermath of these actions and events, to identify and evaluate the impact they had on society. Understanding the effects of an event or change allows us to gauge its significance or importance.

Significance

Significance describes the relative importance or value of a topic or issue. Evaluating historical significance boils down to choosing which things are more important or notable than others.

Historical significance is a critical concept because it shapes what we study and the conclusions we reach. Those who design history courses, for example, choose to focus on certain people, places and events because they consider them to have greater significance than others. History teachers emphasise certain topics or pieces of evidence because of their perceived significance.

Likewise, historians form conclusions and arguments based on historical significance. They reach conclusions that certain people, events or factors had more impact or influence on the past than others.

Significance weighs the value or importance of one thing against others

Identifying historical significance can appear easy. It seems obvious that Adolf Hitler, for instance, had a much greater impact on the past than Wilhelm Cuno. But historical significance is often subjective (a matter of personal opinion) and contestable (open to challenge). Historians often disagree over historical significance, leading to an emphasis on different things and contrasting or conflicting interpretations.

History students are frequently asked to identify and discuss significance in coursework or assessment pieces. For example, “what was the significance of the Stamp Act?” or “who was the most significant figure in the Weimar Republic?” When evaluating significance in these contexts, there is not necessarily one correct answer. You must use your own judgement, form your own conclusions and explain them using evidence.

Sources

Sources are materials from the past that can provide us with information about the past. They are sometimes referred to as primary sources, contemporary sources or artefacts.

There are many different types of primary sources. Some of the more common ones include official documents and records, letters, chronicles, diaries, old newspaper articles, physical artefacts, paintings, photographs, murals, maps, buildings, furniture, clothing, militaria, archaeological relics and even corpses.

The Bayeux Tapestry, an important source for understanding the events of 1066.

Historians use sources to access and acquire information about the past. This information, if useful and reliable, can be used as evidence when forming conclusions. Every historical source reveals something about the past, though some sources obviously reveal more than others. A source like the Bayeux Tapestry, for example, will furnish more evidence than a weapon found on the battlefield at Hastings. Examining historical sources and extracting evidence is a critical skill for historians and history students alike.

Evidence

Evidence is important historical knowledge extracted or derived from sources. Significant documents, for example, might contain important evidence about a particular person or event. The examination of corpses might reveal evidence about mortality rates and causes of death. The examination of artefacts might reveal information about the people who created and used them, such as their technological and manufacturing skill and their standards of living.

An Irish historian studying artefacts to obtain evidence

Evidence is the cornerstone of historical understanding. Without evidence, even the best arguments or conclusions can be little more than guesswork. Evidence is as important to history students as it is to historians. Students must learn to extract evidence from sources and then use this evidence to support and justify their own conclusions and arguments.

Frameworks

When writing about or discussing the past, historians often use frameworks like political, economic, social and cultural. These frameworks serve as organisers or ‘dividers’, allowing historians to discuss specific sections or groups within a much larger population.

Human society is not an amorphous mass: it has different people and groups who carry out different functions. Some people lead, make laws and decisions and exercise power. Some control production, goods and labour. Some influence the way people think or live. Frameworks like political, economic and social allow historians to write about a society with greater depth, precision and complexity, while avoiding generalisation.

History students should get to know these frameworks, summarised below, and begin to incorporate them into their own writing. When planning an essay or similar task, frameworks like political, economic and social are useful for organising your ideas and writing.

Political

The term political refers to the institutions, people and processes responsible for leadership and decision making in a society. Political decisions and actions can have a profound impact on the rest of society. For this reason, historians often look first at political leaders and governments, to find out how they acted and responded to certain problems or challenges.

Political leaders include monarchs and emperors, presidents, governors, ministers, mayors, community leaders and government officials. The obvious political institution is government, which might exist at a number of levels (national, state, provincial, municipal or communal).

Parliaments and assemblies are an important political feature of society

Other political institutions include parliaments, assemblies, courts, political parties and the bureaucracy (government departments or public service). Political concepts include values, ideology, laws and policies.

Economic

The term economic refers to a society’s production and distribution of physical items. Every individual has needs (food, water, housing and clothing) and wants (such as consumer goods or luxury items). All societies develop their own methods of gathering, producing and sharing these wants and needs. Economics is the study of this activity.

Economic concepts include production, wealth, land, capital, money, markets and labour. Different sectors of economic production include industry, manufacturing, agriculture and mining. Other economic activities include financial practices like money, taxation, banking and government revenue and expenditure. Ownership of land, capital and the distribution of wealth are also important economic measures.

The treatment and condition of industrial workers is a critical economic factor

Economics is a complex study in its own right and difficult to master – but it is impossible to understand any society without at least a basic understanding of its economic processes and relationships.

Social

Broadly speaking, the social framework covers how societies are organised and how people live and behave. Many historians focus on social conditions and the ways that societies organise and sustain themselves.

Conditions and standards of living are an important social focus for historians

Some social aspects can be studied and quantified with statistics, such as demographics, population density, urban populations, family size, birth and death rates and infant mortality. Historians also look at other social aspects and factors, including standards of living, health, gender roles and status, the size and role of families, the availability and level of education, literacy and communication, religious beliefs and social customs. All societies have hierarchies or power structures, based on age, privilege, religious status, economic class or other factors.

Historians can also evaluate social mobility (the ability of an individual to move up through the classes) and political participation (the relationship between ordinary people and government).

Cultural

The cultural framework has two different interpretations, both of interest to historians. To some, culture describes the unique ideas and customs of a society – in other words, the behaviours and habits that distinguish one nation or people from another. This may include things like language and communication, food, music, costumes, sports, religious rituals, ceremonies and celebrations, pastimes and leisure activities.

Another interpretation of culture is artistic and creative activities, through which people express their ideas, values and feelings. This includes pursuits like literature, poetry, music, painting and sculpture. Despite their creative basis, these works of art can express or reflect contemporary ideas, values and conditions.

David’s Death of Marat, an artistic work with explicit and powerful political overtones

For this reason, historians study artists, artistic movements and individual works of art, to evaluate how they were influenced by contemporary ideas, events and conditions. Some artists, such as the late 18th century Frenchman Jacques-Louis David, produced work with explicit political themes. This kind of artistic work can constitute important historical evidence.

Historiography

Historiography is the close study of history and how it evolves, reaches different conclusions and changes over time. It is largely concerned with the methods and approaches of historians: the men and women from whom we ‘receive’ history and historical understanding.

There is no single understanding or ‘truth’ in history different historians often reach different conclusions about the same period, event or issue. History is also subject to change and reinvention. As new historians emerge, they apply new ideas, values and approaches that modify our understanding of the past.

Historians have taken several paths while trying to explain the rise of Hitler and the Nazis

History students must be aware that history is comprised of competing and conflicting arguments and viewpoints – and that it is always changing. Historiography can also refer to the body of historical research and writing on a particular topic, such as the ‘historiography of Nazi Germany’ or the ‘historiography of Abraham Lincoln’. Historiography is a complex and quite difficult area of history – but one that most students will need to come to terms with. For more information on historiography, visit this link.


Cuno fæddist í bænum Suhl, sem var þá í prússneska Saxlandi en er nú í Þýringalandi. Ώ] Hann nam lögfræði í háskólum í Berlín og Heidelberg og útskrifaðist með doktorsgráðu. Frá 1907 til 1912 vann hann ýmis störf fyrir þýska fjármálaráðuneytið og síðar fyrir ríkisþingið. Á meðan á fyrri heimsstyrjöldinni stóð vann Cuno við að skipuleggja sendingar matarbirgða til þýska hersins. Eftir stríðslok vann hann sem fjármálaráðgjafi fyrir ríkisstjórnir nýja Weimar-lýðveldisins.

Cuno féllst á að mynda eigin ríkisstjórn eftir að Joseph Wirth kanslari sagði af sér í nóvember árið 1922. Sem kanslari skipaði Cuno ríkisstjórn sína aðallega óflokksbundnum hagfræðingum og öðrum sérfræðingum. Ríkisstjórn Cuno var ýmist kölluð „viðskiptastjórnin“, „hagfræðingastjórnin“ eða „persónuleikastjórnin“ (Geschäftsministerium, Regierung der Wirtschaft og Kabinett der Persönlichkeiten) þar sem hún var ekki formlega mynduð með stjórnarsamstarfi þingflokka. Ώ] ΐ] Α]

Þjóðverjar bundu miklar vonir við ríkisstjórn Cunos en bandamenn, að frumlagi franska forsætisráðherrans Poincaré, höfnuðu tillögum hans um endursamningu stríðsbótaupphæðarinnar. Þegar Þjóðverjum tókst ekki að greiða viðar- og kolagreiðslur á tilsettum tíma ákváðu Frakkar og Belgar að hertaka Ruhr-héraðið. Cuno kallaði á eftir því að Þjóðverjar sýndu hernámsliðinu friðsamlega andspyrnu: Hætt var að senda skaðabætur til Frakka og Belga, námum var skipað að senda birgðir sínar ekki til þessara landa og ríkisstarfsmönnum á hernámssvæðinu var skipað að óhlýðnast skipunum hernámsliðsins.

Hernámið frysti efnahag Ruhr-héraðsins, sem var helsti iðnkjarni Þýskalands. Þetta kom af stað mikilli verðbólgu og Cuno tókst ekki að stöðva hana þar sem Poincaré neitaði að semja við Þjóðverja nema að andspyrnunni yrði fyrst hætt. Að endingu báru Jafnaðarmenn á þingi fram vantrauststillögu gegn ríkisstjórn Cunos sem var samþykkt þann 12. ágúst 1923.


Wilhelm Cuno

Carl Josef Wilhelm Cuno född 2 juli 1876 i Suhl, Thüringen, död 3 januari 1933 var en tysk jurist, industrialist, affärsman och politiker (partilös). Han var Tysklands rikskansler 1922-1923.

Cuno var från 1907 verksam i departementet för skatteärenden och åtnjöt snart stort anseende som expert i dessa frågor. Vid utbrottet av första världskriget blev han efter en tid chef för den central, som planlade spannmålsfördelningen, och kvarstod som sådan till juli 1916, då han inträdde som Adolf Tortilowicz von Batocki-Friebes medhjälpare i det departement, som handhade frågor rörande livsmedelsförsörjningen. 1917 övergick han i privat tjänst och blev Albert Ballins efterträdare som chef för HAPAG-bolaget. Under republikens första år var han upprepade gånger på förslag som rikskansler. Sedan Joseph Wirths regering avgått i november 1922 övertog han också posten som sådan. Hans regering överlevde mindre på partiernas förtroende än på rikspresident Friedrich Eberts stöd. Efter sitt avsked som rikskansler övergick han till sin position som chef för HAPAG-bolaget. [ 1 ]

Wilhelm Cunos regering är mest känd för det misslyckade försöket att motsätta sig Frankrikes ockupation av Ruhrområdet i västra Tyskland. Ruhr-området, som hade förklarats demilitariserad zon administrerad av Nationernas Förbund vid första världskrigets slut, ockuperades av Frankrike 1923 eftersom Cunos regering inte kunde betala ut det krigsskadestånd som hade ålagts Tyskland i Versaillesfreden.

Den tyska hyperinflationen nådde sin kulmen under Wilhelm Cuno.

Även om Cuno själv var partilös var han rikskansler i en regering med en klar högerprägel. Cunos kabinett var en koalitionsregering mellan det konservativa högerpartiet DNVP, liberala Tyska Demokratiska Partiet och Centrumpartiet.


Watch the video: Happy Birthday Wilhelm! Funny Talking Dogs What Is Free On My Birthday